counterpoise

Tomson Highway - His Memoir Permanent Astonishment and His Time in London, Ontario, Canada, 1975-1978

2021-11-15T10:08:00.:00

Disclaimer: My references to the writings of other people--both Indigenous and Non-Indigenous--do not in any way imply that they share my views on this manner. The opinions expressed here are my own and do not necessarily reflect those of my family, friends or associates.

Acknowledgements: Tomson Highway, whom I have known since 1978, is OK with my writing this post; I have consulted with him about the content. Tomson's partner Raymond Lalonde is also fine with my using the photos he took on August 20, 2021. James Stewart Reaney gave me the go ahead to discuss his November 2015 London Free Press article about Wacousta! Doug Struthers was happy to offer his feedback on the memoir and his friendship with Tomson and Rene (1954-1990). Thanks to the Ivey Family London Room staff for research assistance. Darshan Gunvantbhai Bhavsar has given me permission to thank him publicly for adding some coding to my blog. I needed to have this done in order to publish this post.

A Brief Synopsis of Permanent Astonishment

The central focus of this post will be Cree author and musician Tomson Highway's memoir Permanent Astonishment (2021). Highway takes the reader on a fascinating journey through the first 15 years of his life. On December 6, 1951, he was born the 11th of 12 children in a remote Manitoba community. He describes his birthplace as "the most beautiful location on the face of this earth."

His passages about the flora and fauna are often mesmerizing. For instance, he describes the sharp-eyed Arctic tern as an "aristocrat" that resides "almost exclusively in. . .permanent flight." But Highway makes it clear the landscape can also be treacherous, e.g., when the spring melt turns the earth into a month-long bog.

His father, Joe Highway, did not want Highway's life cut short by the challenging conditions the family were living under. He wanted his son to get an education so he could "save our people." In September 1958, Joe put six-year-old Highway on a plane to the Guy Hill Indian residential school, 25 miles north of The Pas.

Two years later, in September 1960, Joe put his youngest son Rene (1954-1990) on the plane to join his brother at the school. Rene begged his parents to let him attend a year early because he missed Tomson so much. His parents relented because by the time Rene was born, they had seen so much death in their immediate family that they wanted both Highway and Rene to "go to a place where death" would not "get" them.

Highway's father had wanted to go to school but could not because of his family situation. He resented the fact that his younger siblings had attended, but he remained illiterate throughout his life. Consequently, he advised Highway to get an education so he would not have to "undergo extreme suffering."

Highway makes it clear what the "extreme suffering" entailed. The family had no indoor plumbing and had to haul water from the lake for cooking, washing, and drinking. They were often poor, so his father sometimes had to take out a line of credit at the store. At age 11, Highway became a six-days-a-week "fully accredited, professional commercial fisherman" because Joe did not have enough men to help him with his business. Although Highway enjoyed the time he spent with his father on these fishing expeditions, he acknowledged the strong winds and rain could make gutting hundreds of fish for "ten hours non-stop" very difficult.

I was not at all surprised when I learned Highway's memoir had won the Hilary Weston Writers' Trust Award for Non-Fiction (announced November 3, 2021). As the jury stated, Highway made a "bold personal choice to accentuate the wondrousness of his school years."

And this wondrousness includes describing both the positive and negative. He presents Non-Indigenous clergy and staff as individuals, some good and some bad. In the good category are the Non-Aboriginals who worked long hours making many sacrifices for the benefit of the students (Miss Menard and the Christmas gift wrappers are two of numerous examples). Then there are those who gave Highway skills that have benefitted him for the rest of his life, like Sister St. Aramaa who taught him how to play the piano.

Highway also describes the Non-Indigenous clergy who wronged him and others, like Brother Lemoine who sexually abused not only him and his brother Rene but also many other male students at the school. However, Highway is not going to waste his time dwelling on abuse that happened 60 years ago. He wants to love and be loved by those who have helped him and given him joy throughout his life.

When Highway presents Non-Aboriginal behaviour that is counter-productive to his culture, he often does not take a heavy-handed approach. For instance, he describes the "token" system in which Sister Ann encouraged the Indigenous students to tattle on each other when they spoke their language. This contributed to a considerable amount of animosity between the pupils. Nevertheless, Highway explained Sister Ann's reasoning. She was concerned the students would never learn their subjects such as history and social studies if they did not master the English language.

Quite a few residential school accounts speak of students being made to stay all year, but that was not the case at Guy Hill. They went home in July and August every year. Many residential school stories also complain about the food, but the Guy Hill students were well-fed. For example, they had turkey dinner with all the trimmings, including cake and ice cream, at Christmas.

Highway depicts both the positive and negative of Indigenous people before, during and after his residential school years. The most glowing praise is often reserved for his late parents Joe and Balazee Highway, who inspire him in many ways, e.g., their humour in the face of adversity, their belief in the importance of helping others and their prayers of thanks to their saviour Jesus Christ.

However, Highway also describes harmful experiences with Aboriginals, such as residential school dormitory "keeper" Stanley Blackbird who punched him in the head because he did not like Highway's two-spirited (gay) behaviour.

Highway left Guy Hill with the highest mark in the school (95 per cent) and reportedly one of the highest scholastic standings in all of Manitoba.

Highway's Activities, 1967 to September 1978

Highway continued to excel at a Winnipeg high school. At the University of Manitoba, he studied piano under the direction of William Aide. Aide moved to the University of Western Ontario in London, Ontario in 1974, and Highway joined him there to continue his instruction. In 1975, he obtained his Bachelor of Arts Honours (piano performance, major) and the following year got the equivalent of a Bachelor of Arts (English major) both from Western.

Before I continue with this post, I would like to explain how I got involved with Indigenous issues, which eventually led to my first meeting Highway in 1978 in London. I think it is important to frame my analysis within the context of my personal background.

Below is a photo of the front covers of books I own that are written by Highway:

Leith Peterson's books by Tomson Highway

Why Leith Peterson Got Involved With Indigenous Issues

I got introduced to Indigenous issues by my late parents when I was six. Around 1970, my father Charles T Peterson (1913-2007) put together a biographical sketch about my mother Jay Peterson (1920-1976). In this sketch, he said Mom "became interested in the plight of Indians" in 1958 "when she found a young Trinidad teacher helping the Indians of Muncey. . .and Oneida. . .during his summer vacation and Canadians themselves not doing it."

The initial way Mom got involved with the reserve Indigenous women was by bringing their crafts to town, selling the items, and then returning with the money she had made to give to the women. What resulted were lifelong friendships with Native women in many different communities, such as Six Nations of the Grand River, Cape Croker, Oneidas of the Thames and Chippewas of the Thames.

From 1963 to 1970, Mom was on the Western Fair Board and helped organize events where Native people demonstrated, displayed and sold their crafts. Mom was also active, from 1964 to 1976, with the Indian-Eskimo Association of Canada (IEA) and its successor the Canadian Association in Support of the Native Peoples (CASNP).

The Fall 1978 CASNP Bulletin, entitled "On Native Women," was dedicated to my mother. Joanne Hoople, the IEA executive director, described my mother as a "selfless worker throughout her adult life. . .who is remembered as someone who inspired others." Hoople talked about my mother's contribution to the establishment of the N'Amerind Friendship Centre (the London, Ontario Indigenous friendship centre) as well as her work "furthering the objectives of the Indian-Eskimo Association" and then CASNP.

My Father's Interest in Indigenous Issues

My father shared my mother's enthusiasm for Indigenous issues, particularly in connection with environmental stewardship. This was mainly because he was born and raised in Bruce Mines (near Sault Ste. Marie) Ontario and witnessed first-hand the problems caused by irresponsible development. Consequently, he had sympathies for Indigenous peoples' concerns in this regard.

Dad often complained about the lack of trees in the First Nations communities he visited, so he decided to do something about it. He told me that every year, for many years, he gave thousands of saplings to Oneidas of the Thames and Six Nations--and planted some of them himself. No wonder his friends there called him the "tree man." His funeral program included an "Iroquois prayer."

I Got Involved With Indigenous Issues Because of My Parents

It is not surprising that I got involved with Indigenous issues because both my parents were very much engaged with the matter. I initially got connected in a variety of ways, such as going to the reserves with my mother and doing volunteer work at the N'Amerind Friendship Centre.

In 1973, I got my Library Technician diploma from Fanshawe College in London. This diploma led to my finding employment with the Indian Brotherhood of the Northwest Territories (IB-NWT) in Yellowknife, Northwest Territories, from May 1975 to October 1976. The IB-NWT (which became the Dene Nation in 1978) needed my expertise because they were participating in the Mackenzie Valley Pipeline Inquiry (MVPI) hearings. They wanted someone to organize the hearing transcripts and train a Dene man in library work.

When I learned my mother was terminally ill, I returned to London in October 1976, and remained with her until her tragic passing in December 1976. During the difficult time I spent with her before her passing, I was invited to a meeting at the Cross Cultural Learner Centre (CCLC). The CCLC was located at Westminster College on the University of Western Ontario campus. There were a group of Aboriginal and Non-Aboriginal people there discussing the formation of the Committee in Support of Native Concerns (CSNC). One of these people recommended I become the coordinator, so from November 1976 to July 1977, I filled this position. After I stopped being the CSNC coordinator, I continued as co-chair from August 1977 to August 1978.

From November 1976 to February 1977, I also secured a temporary, part-time position locating information for Don Simpson's Native Studies class at Althouse College (now the Faculty of Education), University of Western Ontario. In August 1974, Simpson co-founded the "Southern Support Group" to help win support for the Dene cause in the south. My work with Simpson built on my employment with the Indian Brotherhood of the Northwest Territories (IB-NWT), 1975-1976. (As previously mentioned, the IB-NWT became the Dene Nation in 1978.)

In addition, from November 1977 to March 1978, I worked full-time on a government grant, developing a unique classification/cataloguing system for the Native people's collection of the Cross Cultural Learner Centre.

How Leith Peterson Got to Know Tomson Highway

Around December 1977, Highway started working at the Native Peoples Resource Centre (NPRC)--his first job as an Indigenous activist. The NPRC was in the same location as the Cross Cultural Learner Centre. The Cross Cultural Learner Centre/Native Peoples Resource were by this time located at

I have the December 1977 Native Peoples Resource Centre newsletter, called NPRC News, where there is mention of the Festival of Native Music '78 getting organized. Highway was the coordinator of this festival.

Around April 1978, Highway and I were asked to share a desk, because there were not enough due to funding limitations. I was concerned about how this arrangement would work out, but Highway was a perfect gentleman. For several months, we managed to share the desk and its contents in such an effortless manner, I wondered why I had even worried about it.

Highway hired five Indigenous women from five different reserves to assist him with the festival. They all worked together beautifully, laughing and loving every minute of it. Highway directed them as if he was conducting an orchestra. During August 1978, the festival took place in some Indigenous communities in the London area, at London's Victoria Park, and on the University of Western Ontario campus.

Even though Highway had obtained funding from a variety of government and private sources, he needed more because of the scope of the entertainment. For instance, there were Inuit Throat Singers from Arctic Quebec and the Pueblo Youth Dancers from San Juan, New Mexico. When Cree singer Buffy Sainte-Marie was performing in Toronto, Highway spoke to her in Cree and convinced her to do a benefit concert at no charge for 400 diners at Western's Great Hall. I was involved with this concert because the Committee in Support of Native Concerns was a co-sponsor. Sainte-Marie wowed the sold-out crowd on August 7, 1978.

Below is a photo of brochures, posters and articles I have relating to the Festival of Native Music '78 and the Buffy Sainte-Marie benefit concert:

Festival of Native Music '78 and Buffy Sainte-Marie concert

Peterson and Highway's Connection, 1978 to 1998

From October 1978 until April 1987, I was employed primarily in Indigenous organizations in Timmins, Ontario and Yellowknife, Northwest Territories. Most of my work in this area involved training Aboriginal people in library work.

In October 1978, Highway moved to Toronto where he was active with a variety of Indigenous organizations. From 1986 onwards, his attention turned to the performing arts, and he started penning works himself. I really enjoyed discovering another dimension of his talent when I saw The Rez Sisters at the Factory Theatre in Toronto in 1988. Nanabush was expertly played by Rene in this production.

After completing my Canadian Studies B.A. at Laurentian University in Sudbury, Ontario, I returned to London in June 1989 to work on my Master of Library and Information Science (MLIS) degree at Western. I was happy to read in the Western News that Highway got an honorary doctorate in Music from Western in June 1993.

A couple of months before my MLIS degree was conferred in June 1994, I had a more extensive visit with Highway when I attended an Ottawa event to honour him after he got the Order of Canada. I also saw him very briefly when his The Rez Sisters was performed at the Grand Theatre in London in 1995.

In September 1998, Highway came to London for the launch of his novel Kiss of the Fur Queen. Afterwards, playwright James Reaney (1926-2008) and his poet wife Colleen Thibaudeau Reaney (1925-2012) invited me over to their place where I had a visit with Highway.

Highway the Cree "Coach" for James Reaney's Wacousta! in the Fall of 1976

In the fall of 1976, Highway was the Cree "coach" for playwright James Reaney's adaptation of Wacousta! which takes place in 1763. The play recounts Indigenous warriors led by Pontiac fighting against the British not too far from present-day London, Ontario. Although Highway did not participate in the final productions of the play, he gave guidance to the workshop participants. He carried down on a crowded bus moose antlers from Northern Manitoba. These antlers were used in scenes depicting elk in Scotland.

Although Highway's involvement with Wacousta! was limited, he was inspired by some of Reaney's other works, such as the Donnelly trilogy. Reaney made him realize that "world-class literature" was being produced in London. Reaney also encouraged him to write about Indigenous "people and places."

Doug Struthers Friend of Both Tomson and Rene Highway (1954-1990)

In the mid-1970s, Londoner Doug Struthers became friends with Highway and his brother Rene. Tomson borrowed Struthers's car when he picked up Buffy Sainte-Marie from the airport, so she could perform at the August 7, 1978 concert mentioned above. Struthers's car was then nicknamed the "Buffy mobile."

Struthers's reading of Permanent Astonishment reminded him of Rene's delight in watching a toy train race around a track in a storefront window of a Yonge Street restaurant in Toronto. Although Tomson's description of "permanent astonishment" in his memoir relates to the "godly kingdom" he comes from, Struthers believes that Rene demonstrated "permanent astonishment" in his love for everyday matters that most people would not pay much attention to.

Struthers also witnessed Rene's "permanent astonishment" when he saw his brother perform at his April 1975 graduation concert. Tomson played Bach, Schumann, Schoenberg and Scriabin. Rene sat straight up in his chair, listening very intently. After the concert, Tomson's piano teacher invited them all back to a reception at his place in London.

Below is a photo of Struthers, Highway and Highway's long-time partner, Raymond Lalonde, taken August 20, 2021:

Struthers, Highway and Lalonde, August 20, 2021

Saw Highway Again in September and November 2015

When I read that Highway was addressing the positive side of his residential school experiences, I contacted him to see if he would be willing to be briefly mentioned in a September 2015 https://www.counterpoise.ca post I was writing about the Truth and Reconciliation of Canada final report executive summary. Highway not only agreed to be quoted (my post was published September 7, 2015), but also invited me to be his guest when he was inducted into Western's Faculty of Music Wall of Fame on September 25, 2015. James Reaney's son, James Stewart Reaney, and his wife Susan Wallace, as well as Struthers, also attended Highway's Wall of Fame event.

On November 8, 2015, James Stewart Reaney, Susan Wallace, their daughter Elizabeth Wallace Reaney, Struthers and I were also present when Highway gave a very interesting presentation to London's Wordsfest, in partnership with Western's Indigenous Services. "An Afternoon With Tomson Highway" included him playing the piano and a question-and-answer session.

Below is a photo of my Highway ephemera, 1988-2015:

Leith Peterson's Highway ephemera, 1988-2015

Met Up with Highway Again in August 2021

Almost six years later, I saw Highway again on August 20, 2021. This was when Highway, his long-time partner Raymond Lalonde, Struthers, James Stewart Reaney and I enjoyed a delicious supper at the Budapest Restaurant in London. Highway and Lalonde were on their way to Stratford to see Highway's The Rez Sisters, which had a successful run there. The three photos of our get together are courtesy of Lalonde.

Below is a photo of Struthers, Highway and me that was taken at the dinner:

Struthers, Highway and Peterson, August 20, 2021

Conclusion

Highway has not changed at all since I first met him in 1978. His internationally renowned stature and his numerous awards have not gone to his head. I think this is mainly because he knows he has not achieved these heights alone. He frequently praises those around him, including Non-Indigenous people, who have helped him along the way.

Past challenges do not fell him but make him stronger. He has fully taken to heart what his father told him: the most disgusting vegetation makes the best manure. In the manure of Highway's life, he has produced a beautiful garden, vibrant with music. He is a gem and I am happy to call him my friend.

A toast to Highway's accomplishments, now and in the future!

Struthers, Highway and Peterson, August 20, 2021

Bibliography

Bambury, B. (2017, June 30). No one is stopping Tomson Highway from having a happy Canada Day. Retrieved from CBC: https://www.cbc.ca

Canadian Press. (1992, September 26). Reaney influenced playwright. London Free Press.

CBC Radio - Q. (2021, October 13). Today on Q: Tomson Highway, Brent Spiner. Retrieved from CBC: https://www.cbc.ca

CBC Radio - Unreserved (2021, November 12). In new memoir, Tomson Highway reveals his secret to his 'utterly positive spirit'--his parents. Retrieved from CBC: https://www.cbc.ca

Festival of Native Music '78. (1978). Festival of Native Music '78 [brochure]. London, Ontario

Gallagher, N. (1998, October 3). The creative drive of Tomson Highway. London Free Press, pp C1-C2.

Gillespie, I. (1995, February 10). Highway brings Sisters home. London Free Press.

Hamilton, J. D. (1994). Arctic Revolution: Social Change in the Northwest Territories, 1935-1994. Toronto: Dundurn.

Henderson, M. (2021, November 6). Highway recalls residential school, family bonds and more in new memoir. Retrieved from Winnipeg Free Press: https://www.winnipegfreepress.com

Highway, T. (1987-1988). The Rez Sisters [program]. Toronto. The Factory Theatre.

Highway, T. (1995). The Rez Sisters [program]. London, Ontario: The Grand Theatre.

Highway-Highlight-Night [program]. 1994, April 14. Ottawa.

Johnson, R. (1998, October 8). Tomson Highway: the Spirit of a Storyteller. Scene, p. 21.

Kapoor, A. (1995, February 15). The Rez Sisters makes a battle of bingo. Gazette, p. 9.

Matyas, J. (1995, February 11). The Rez Sisters stirs audience to wild applause. London Free Press.

Mulhern, M. (1978, August 8). Buffy's native talk impressive. London Free Press.

Native Peoples Resource Centre. (1978, August 7). An evening with Buffy Sainte-Marie [poster].

Newman, R. (1978, July 26). Buffy helping to launch festival. London Free Press, p. D10.

Newman, R. (1978, August 17). Costumes hide the stories behind native dancers. London Free Press.

Newman, R. (1978, August 15). Indian dancers stop the clock. London Free Press, p. A10.

Nestruck, J. K. (2021, August 1). The Rez Sisters gets a miraculous production at Stratford Festival. Retrieved from: Globe and Mail: https:/www.theglobeandmail.com

Ostroff, J. (2015, December 15). Tomson Highway Has a Surprisingly Positive Take on Residential Schools. Retrieved from HuffPost Canada: https:www.huffpost.com

Peterson, C. T. (1970?). Peterson - Jessie Royce (Fleming) - "Jay Peterson" [biographical sketch]. unpublished.

Peterson, L. (1978, September). Festival of Native Music '78. Satellite, pp. 23-24.

Quill and Quire. (2021). Permanent Astonishment by Tomson Highway [review]. Retrieved from Quill and Quire: https://quillandquire.com

Reaney, J. S. (2015, October 30). CanLit stars to shine at Words fest. Retrieved from London Free Press: https://lfpress.com

Reaney, J. S. (2015, November 14). The Highway at journey's start. London Free Press, p. E4.

Richer, S. (1993, May 29). Tomson Highway: His road to success has been a long one. London Free Press.

Schaefer, N. (1998, October 3). Highway's first novel a winner. London Free Press, p. C15.

Talbot, B. (1978, August 11). Buffy: a time for change. The Summer Gazette, p. 8.

The Book Store at Western & USC Speakers. (1998, October 5). Autumn Writes II: Tomson Highway's Kiss of the Fur Queen [program].

Tomson Highway. Biography. Retrieved from Tomson Highway: https://tomsonhighway.com

van Koeverden, J. (2021, November 3). Katherena Vermette, Tomson Highway and Cherie Dimaline among winners at Writers' Trust Awards. Retrieved from CBC: https://www.cbc.ca

van Koeverden, J. (2021, October 7). Tomson Highway's memoir, Permanent Astonishment, is written as a 'symphony to life'. Retrieved from CBC: https://www.cbc.ca

Western Alumni. (2015, September 25). 41st Annual Alumni Awards Dinner [program]. London, Ontario

Western Faculty of Arts and Humanities. (2016, January 6). Words Fest 2015: An Afternoon With Tomson Highway. Retrieved from You Tube: https://www.youtube.com

Western News. (1993, March 16). Distinguished contributions to be honored. Western News, pp. 1,4.

Part Three of Three - John Baptist Askin (1788-1869) - The Askin Family's Connection to Detroit, 1700s-1800s

2020-12-11T12:34:00.:00

Part Three - Disclaimer: My references to the writings of other people--including Indigenous, Non-Indigenous and African American--do not in any way imply that they share my views on this matter. The opinions expressed here are my own, and do not necessarily represent those of my family, friends or associates.

Part Three - Acknowledgements: A number of people--in London, Ontario, Canada and elsewhere--assisted me in the development of this three-part post series, not only in terms of the content, but also with technological matters relating to Google Blogger's new interface. Because of the controversial nature of some aspects of the subject matter, I have concluded it is probably best not to thank them all here. Their help was deeply appreciated, but any errors or omissions are mine.

Part Three - Sally Ainse (1728-1823) and Lisette Denison (1786-1866)

The research I did this year (2020) has led me to conclude it was not just a simple matter of Askin Sr and Jr being disreputable people. Their behaviour, although reprehensible by today's standards, was common during the time period.

An Oneida/Shawnee trader and diplomat named Sally Ainse (1728-1823), and a former business associate of Askin Sr, profited from trafficking both Indigenous and Black slaves. Askin Sr was one of the people she held an account with while she prospered as a successful Detroit independent trader. She wore European clothes, owned two homes and was served by four slaves.

In 1787, she moved to Upper Canada where she engaged in land transactions with Indigenous tribes and British officials. In 1794, she acted as a go-between for Mohawk Chief Joseph Brant (Thayendanegaea) (1742/43-1807) in his negotiations with some Western Indigenous tribes during the aftermath of the Battle of Fallen Timbers.

John Graves Simcoe (1752-1806) was the Lieutenant Governor of Upper Canada from 1791 until 1796. He initially took Ainse's concerns seriously, but in the end she did not get the land she wanted. Clarke said she did not deserve the treatment she received because she had negotiated in good faith between the Indigenous and Non-Indigenous communities. He observed that she was on the "wrong end of the gradient of power."

Elizabeth (Lisette) Denison (1786-1866) was born into Black slavery, but later secured her freedom partly though the actions of Askin Sr's son-in-law, Elijah Brush (1775-1813). Although Brush has been described as one of Detroit's first abolitionists, he was not lobbying for the end of slavery, but advocating on behalf of the Peter and Hannah Denison family (Lisette was their daughter). Brush had personal ties with and great respect for Peter Denison, in particular.

Although Lisette could not read or write, the Detroit elite who she worked for guided her through the legal proceedings necessary to make profitable investments. In the process of doing this, she acquired dispossessed Indigenous land. On some of this same land, she set aside provisions to establish a church at Gros Isles, Michigan. She might not have realized the implications of what she was doing in terms of the land previously occupied by Indigenous tribes. However, she was reportedly not as concerned with race as she was about inequality between rich and poor. Her purpose for establishing the church was to have a place where people of any background could worship. In 1868, St James Episcopal Church was consecrated, partly with the funds she had set aside in her will. The church's doors are dedicated to her memory, and an historical marker on the site recognizes her contribution.

Part Three - Detroit's "Governing Classes"

Detroit's "governing classes" transitioned from Indigenous to French to British to American from the early 1700s until around 1801. Consequently, it was challenging to stay on the good side of those in power. Askin Sr, Jr, Ainse and Denison were living during a period of intense political unrest, including the Seven Year's War (aka French and Indian War), 1756-1763, Pontiac's War, 1763-1766, and the American Revolution, 1775-1783.

Part Three - Slavery Existed in Both Non-Indigenous and Indigenous Communities

Slavery was widespread throughout the world at this time, and the version introduced by both the French and the British into the Great Lakes region was often cruel and demoralizing. But Miles said that generally speaking the northern version of slavery was not quite as brutal as what existed on the plantations in the American south.

However, it was not just the newly arrived Europeans who practised slavery. Indigenous groups throughout North America had held members of other tribes in captivity for centuries before contact. There were occasions when terrible things happened to those in bondage, e.g., torture and death. A lot depended on the tribe in question. Some tribes assimilated captives--particularly women and children--into their societies.

Since many of the slaves captured by the Great Lakes tribes came from the Western Plains, the French called them Panis. The enslaved were offered in trade or negotiation, or replaced dead warriors. Indigenous groups also traded African Americans they had taken during southern plantation raids.

Many people associate the Detroit area as a gateway to freedom for slaves via the Underground Railroad. But during the 1770s to 1810 period, in particular, there were slaves there. This was because of loopholes in legislation, such as the Northwest Ordinance.

These indentured people were not part of the fur trade economy per se, but provided stability to the settlement economy.

Miles recognized the relationship between the free and unfree was complex. She noted the interconnectedness between Indigenous, French, British, Black, American and Canadian societies. She acknowledged that some Native American tribes warred with each other, utilized slaves, and did not treat their women very well.

There were numerous variations on this theme. For instance, Mohawk Chief Joseph Brant, mentioned earlier in connection with Sally Ainse, held Blacks in bondage starting around 1784. One of them, Sophia Pooley, was interviewed about her experiences when she was 90. Her account was published in an 1856 book of fugitive slave narratives. Pooley had some positive, but mostly negative, experiences when she resided in the Brant household. If you want to know more, consult the sources listed in the bibliography.

Another factor that adds to the complexity is that some Blacks felt more comfortable in the White world than they did in the Indigenous one. However, Indigenous and Black slaves also intermarried.

In Detroit, Aboriginal slaves initially outnumbered Blacks, but this gradually changed to Blacks outnumbering Aboriginal. It was more difficult for British officials to enslave Indigenous people, because of the political situation. As previously mentioned, the French often had a better relationship with the original inhabitants than the British. By 1810, the Native population had dwindled, and freed Blacks had moved across the border to Canada.

Part Three - Conclusion to Part Three and to This Three-Part Series

Due to all the variables discussed in Part Three, and in this three-part series generally, I think it is important to consider Askin Sr et al's behaviour in historical context. During the fur trade, Indigenous people still retained some power and influence in the Great Lakes, and they often used it to gain concessions from the colonists. They could be either perpetrators or victims, depending on who was in power. Europeans also contributed to the discord, by frequently sowing divisions between Indigenous and Black people.

The situation is quite different today in many respects. But Canada and the United States are still struggling with political, cultural and racial upheavals. I am mulling over the issues raised by the research I did for this series, so this is the best I can do for a conclusion at the moment.

Part Three - Bibliography

Allen, R S, & Conn, H. (2019, July 9). Joseph Brant (Thayendanegea). Retrieved from Canadian Encyclopedia: https://www.thecanadianencyclopedia.ca

Banersee, M. (2018, February 19). Detroit's dark secret: slavery. Retrieved from Michigan Today: https://michigantoday.umich.edu.

Clarke, J. (1987). Ainse (Hands), Sarah (Montour; Maxwell; Wilson (Willson). Retrieved from Dictionary of Canadian Biography: http://www.biographi.ca

Clarke, J. (2001). Land, Power and Economics on the Frontier of Upper Canada. Montreal: McGill-Queen's University Press.

Curnoe, G. (1994). Deeds/Nations. London, Ontario: London Chapter, Ontario Archeological Society.

Henry, N.L. (2020, June 9). Black enslavement in Canada. Retrieved from Canadian Encyclopedia: https://www.thecanadianencyclopedia.ca

Historic Elmwood Cemetery & Foundation. (2020, September 20). Elijah Brush. Retrieved from Historic Elmwood Cemetery & Foundation: www.elmwoodcemetery.org

Historic Elmwood Cemetery & Foundation. (2020, September 20). Elizabeth Denison Forth "Lisette". Retrieved from Historic Elmwood Cemetery & Foundation: www.elmwoodcemetery.org

Holroyd, I. (2014, February 21). Burlington audience hears story of slave owned by Joseph Brant. Retrieved from Burlington Post: www.insidehalton.com

McNeil, M. (2013, July 30). One of the first non-natives in the area was a slave. Retrieved from Hamilton Spectator: https://www.thespec.com

Miles, T. (2013, May/June). Slavery in Early Detroit. Michigan History, pp. 33-37.

Miles, T. (2017). The dawn of Detroit: a chronicle of slavery and freedom in the city of the straits. New York: New Press.

Shamus, K J. (2017, July 25). How a freed slave made it into the Michigan Women's Hall of Fame. Retrieved from Detroit Free Press: https://www.freepc.com

Wikipedia contributors. (2019, November 29). Elijah Brush. Retrieved from Wikipedia: https://en.wikipeida.org

Wikipedia contributors. (2018, August 29). Sally Ainse. Retrieved from Wikipedia: https://en.wikipeida.org

Wikipedia contributors. (2020, August 11). Lisette Denison Forth. Retrieved from Wikipedia: https://en.wikipeida.org

Wikipedia contributors. (2020, September 19). Slavery among Native Americans in the United States. Retrieved from Wikipedia: https://en.wikipeida.org

Part Two of Three - John Baptist Askin (1788-1869) - His Connection to My Eldon House Play

2020-12-11T08:46:00.:00

Part Two - Disclaimer: My references to the writings of other people--including Indigenous, Non-Indigenous and African American--do not in any way imply that they share my views on this matter. The opinions expressed here are my own, and do not necessarily represent those of my family, friends or associates.

Part Two - Acknowledgements: A number of people--in London, Ontario, Canada and elsewhere--assisted me in the development of this three-part post series, not only in terms of the content, but also with technological matters relating to Google Blogger's new interface. Because of the controversial nature of some aspects of the subject matter, I have concluded it is probably best not to thank them all here. Their help was deeply appreciated, but any errors or omissions are mine.

Part Two - Note: The photo I took of John Wilson's grave at the Woodland Cemetery in 2000 is included with the permission of the cemetery. Eldon House gave me the go-ahead to use the photo of Amelia Harris's portrait, which I took at Eldon House in 2000.

Part Two - Background Information Regarding My Amelia Play at Eldon House, 2001 and 2003

In February 2001, my one-act stage play, entitled "Amelia at the Forks of Ayzhkanzeebee: Propriety and Passion," premiered in the drawing room of Eldon House, an historic site here in London, Ontario, Canada. There was also a second production, with a different cast and crew, in February 2003. Both versions were produced by Museum London. I took some liberties with the truth for dramatic effect, but for the most part, my script was based on historical sources.

The Harris family lived at Eldon House from 1834 until 1959. In 1994, Robin Harris, a descendant of the family, published portions of the diaries of five women who lived at the estate at one time or another. The most prolific was Amelia Harris (1798-1882), the matriarch, who kept a diary from 1857 until shortly before her passing in 1882. Amelia's entries were often little jewels of wit, which chronicled life in the Forest City.

Amelia Harris (1798-1882)

Amelia was one of two characters in my play. The other was lawyer/politician, John Wilson (1809-1869), who frequently visited Amelia. Wilson killed a man in the last fatal duel in Upper Canada in 1833 while still a law student in Perth. He moved to London a year later.

Amelia and Wilson liked to spar when they got together, and during the play they turned their attention to Baptist Askin. While Amelia considered Askin to be one of her "oldest friends," Wilson did not share her enthusiasm.

Wilson and Askin did not have the same political views. This problem extended to bureaucratic differences when around 1840, Wilson took over responsibility from Askin for the management of county funds. He questioned Askin on his handling of these funds, which led to animosity between the two.

Askin had other detractors besides Wilson, but he was still considered one of the local elite (aka Family Compact)--an aristocratic governing class that believed power should remain in the hands of a select few. This clique held sway over Upper Canada from the early to mid-1800s. Because he was part of the Family Compact, like Amelia, it is not surprising he was a regular Eldon House guest. Amelia frequently mentioned him in her diaries.

Part Two - Script for My Play Published in Anthology

In 2003, my Amelia play script was published in an anthology of London plays that premiered in 2001. For further information about this book, refer to the Ballyhoo 2001 entry in the bibliography.

Part Two - End Note #1: Indigenous Names for the Thames River

An Indigenous resource person originally from a Northern Ontario reserve provided me with the Indigenous name for the Thames River--Ayzhkanzeebee. But there are numerous variations on the name, based on the tribe in question and geographical location. Kim Deleary, who at the time was working for the "Chippewa Land Claim Trust and Historical Research Department at Muncey, Ontario," had an article published on the different Indigenous names for the Thames River. It was in the March 8, 2001 edition of Scene Magazine (see bibliography). For further information beyond Deleary's article, I suggest consulting local Indigenous groups.

Part Two - End Note #2: Eldon House Governance and Amelia Harris's Portrait

As previously mentioned, the Harrises lived at Eldon House from 1834 until 1959. It was bequeathed to the City of London in 1960 and is a popular tourist attraction.

In an August 10, 2020 email to me, Tara Wittmann, the Eldon House curator director, explained that the house has experienced a multi-faceted governance since 1960. At first it was under the auspices of the London Public Library. This was because the library ran several historical buildings and managed an art collection In 1989, the London Public Library's "museum" division amalgamated with the London Regional Art Gallery to form the London Regional Art and Historical Museum (LRAHM). Eldon House continued to be managed under this umbrella after LRAHM changed its name to Museum London in 2001.

On January 1, 2013, the City of London Council passed a by-law for Eldon House to become a stand-alone Municipal Service Board. Although the City still owns this historic site, it is managed by the Eldon House Board of Directors.

The portrait of Amelia Harris is by J B Wandesforde (1817-1907). He is believed to have created it during the years he lived in Canada (1847-1857). This portrait is located in the Eldon House drawing room.

John Wilson (1809-1869)

Part Two - End Note #3: John Wilson's Grave at the Woodland Cemetery. Photo I took in 2000.

Wilson's inscription reads:

In Memory of the Honorable John Wilson
One of the judges of Her Majesty's Court of Common Pleas of this Province,
Died 3rd June 1869
Aged 63 years
Rom C.5.V.6.7.8
F.B. Gullett, Toronto

(A London historian supplied the information that F.B. Gullett was the Toronto monument maker.)

Part Two - Conclusion

The research I did into Baptist Askin for my Eldon House play made me realize he was a complex individual with both positive and negative qualities. Little did I know that almost 20 years later, I would unearth a whole new set of information regarding what his family and he did before he came to London.

I am glad that I decided to do this research because it has helped me to better understand him, and how London society operated at the time he lived here.

Part Two - Bibliography

Deleary, K. (2001, March 8). Troubled Times on Turtle Island. Scene Magazine, p. 6.

Eldon House. (2020, November 23). Eldon House/History. Retrieved from Eldon House: https://eldonhouse.ca

Eldon House diaries: five women's views of the 19th century. (1994). Toronto: The Champlain Society in cooperation with the Province of Ontario.

Peterson, L. (2003). Amelia at the Forks of Ayzhkanzeebee: Propriety and Passion. In J Culbert, Ballyhoo 2001: Plays from London, Ontario (pp. 148-168). [London, Ontario?]: Virtual E Solved.

Peterson, L. (2005). Amelia Harris (1798-1882). In M Baker, & H B Neary, 100 Fascinating Londoners (p. 21). Toronto: James Lorimer & Company.

Peterson, L. (2005). John Wilson (1809-1869). In M Baker, & H B Neary, 100 Fascinating Londoners (pp. 12-13). Toronto: James Lorimer & Company.

Part One of Three - John Baptist Askin (1788-1869) - His Connection to London, Ontario, Canada

2020-12-08T13:38:00.:00

Part One - Disclaimer: My references to the writings of other people--including Indigenous, Non-Indigenous and African American--do not in any way imply that they share my views on this matter. The opinions expressed here are my own, and do not necessarily represent those of my family, friends or associates.

Part One - Acknowledgements: A number of people--in London, Ontario, Canada and elsewhere--assisted me in the development of this three-part post series, not only in terms of the content, but also with technological matters relating to Google Blogger's new interface. Because of the controversial nature of some aspects of the subject matter, I have concluded it is probably best not to thank them all here. Their help was deeply appreciated, but any errors or omissions are mine.

Part One - Note: The photo I took in 2000 of John Baptist Askin's grave at the Woodland Cemetery is used with the permission of the cemetery.

Part One - Introduction - "'Colonel' to his Friends, 'Indian' to His Detractors"

The "'Colonel' to his friends, 'Indian' to his detractors" quotation is from an April 27, 1968 London Free Press article by L N Bronson (1905-1994). Bronson was referring to Metis office holder, John Baptist Askin (aka Jean-Baptiste Askin, Jean Baptist Askin and Johnny Askin). Askin (1788-1869) was a member of the London elite from the time he came to the city in 1832 until his passing. Bronson was correct that Londoners either praised or denounced him.

Askin's military contributions during the War of 1812 have been documented by not only Non-Indigenous historians such as J J Talman (1904-1993) but also by Metis historian Lawrence J Barkwell (1943-2019). In 2012, the Metis Nation of Ontario included Baptist Askin in their War of 1812 commemoration material.

London, Ontario fine artist Greg Curnoe (1936-1992) had an entry for Baptist Askin in his Deeds/Nations (1996)--a book (published posthumously) about Southwestern Ontario history from 1750 to 1850. It featured the contributions of Aboriginal people to the region during this period.

Part One - Askin Family Chart

Since the Askin family genealogy is quite complex, I prepared the chart below:

Askin Family Chart

Part One - Baptist Askin's Indigenous Ancestry

According to Baptist Askin's London Daily Advertiser obituary, his mother was a "full-blooded" Indian. . .of one of the far western Indian tribes." The obit also said he "took great pride in his descent from the original lords of the forest."

An "Askin Network" chart in John Clarke's Land, Power and Economics on the Frontier of Upper Canada (2001), indicates that Baptist Askin's father, John Askin Jr (1762-1820) had a relationship with an "Indian woman," and Baptist Askin was their son.

Milo M Quaife edited the John Askin Papers, published in 1928 (volume 1, 1747-1795) and 1931 (volume 2, 1796-1820). He said that Baptist Askin's mother may have been a Non-Indigenous captive. This information likely led J J Talman to state in his Dictionary of Canadian Biography entry that the "maternal ancestry is uncertain."

Quaife also noted that Baptist Askin was baptized a few weeks after Askin Jr's marriage to Madelaine (nee Pelletier) in October 1791. Madelaine was French and also possibly Metis.

Askin Jr and his wife Madelaine are recognized by some in the Metis communities for their introduction of the Mackinaw cloth in 1811. At the time, Askin Jr was a fur trader in Fort St Joseph. This British outpost was located on St Joseph's Island on Lake Huron near Sault Ste Marie, Ontario. Madelaine and the Metis women at the fort supplied the 10th Royal Veterans Battalion with "Mackinaw Coats" to replace their worn-out military attire. The women used red plaid dense water-repellant woolen cloth. The term "Mac" was eventually recognized as a Canadian symbol of working class values.

Although sources differ as to whether Madelaine had some Indigenous ancestry, Baptist Askin's paternal grandmother Mannette (aka Manette or Monette) is widely believed to be Indigenous from the Ottawa (aka Odawa) tribe. Mannette will be discussed in more detail later in this post.

Part One - Why I am Interested in Baptist Askin and His Ancestors

One of the main reasons I decided to write this post is because I was interested in learning more about Baptist Askin's background. In the early 2000s, I had a one-act play produced in which the two characters discussed him.

Then in 2010, an historian friend provided me with some information about his paternal grandfather and father, that made me want to delve more deeply. She explained that Askin Sr (1739-1815) and Jr had engaged in questionable land transactions with Indigenous groups, and that Askin Sr kept Indigenous and Black slaves.

I wanted to better understand why Baptist Askin achieved a fair measure of success in London, yet his ancestry was mired in controversy.

I concluded from the additional research I did this year (2020) that his story is complex and not easily slotted into a particular category. This also applies to his grandfather and father. The time period in which the Askin family operated was one of tremendous political, cultural and racial upheaval. They often chose their alliances based on what they believed would get them over the next hurdle, rather than what would be seen as ideologically appropriate by today's standards.

Part One - John Askin Sr (1739-1815) and John Askin Jr (1762-1820)

Askin Sr helped establish British rule in Upper Canada through his work as a fur trader and merchant. He was born in Augnacloy, Northern Ireland. In 1758, he moved with the British army to Albany, New York. He followed the army, selling provisions to the soldiers (sutler). However, he did not have much success commercially.

Consequently, in 1763, he went to Michilimackinac, which is located on the southern shore of the Lakes Huron and Michigan juncture. There he operated a trading post and was more successful, remaining until 1775.

In 1781, Askin Sr relocated to Detroit. His involvement with the Miami Company ended with a 1786 bankruptcy. But he had developed an extensive network of family, friends and associates who supported him through his various financial upheavals.

Throughout this period, Askin Sr negotiated with Indigenous tribes to convince them to side with the British instead of the French. This was often a difficult task because the French were usually more generous in their terms than the British. There were regular intercultural exchanges (including intermarriage) between the French and the Indians. The British were generally more standoffish and not as generous in negotiations.

It is possible Askin Sr realized that in order to gain the support of the Aboriginal groups, he should do something to win their trust. This was possibly his motivation for purchasing the "Indian slave" Mannette. She is believed to be the mother of his three oldest children, John Jr (Baptist Askin's father), Catherine and Madelaine, who were born during the 1762 to 1764 period. This "marriage" gave Askin Sr credibility in Indigenous communities, and he used this perception to acquire land from them.

Quaife said it was a "matter of record" that Askin Jr was born in L'Arbre Croche, which was an Ottawa Indigenous town (now the site of Harbor Springs, Michigan).

Tiya Miles is an African American historian, who has some Indigenous ancestry on her father's side. She consulted the Askin Papers in the Burton Historical Collection at the Detroit Public Library, when she was researching her book The dawn of Detroit: a chronicle of slavery and freedom in the city of the straits (2017). Miles thinks "Mannette" was "probably Ottawa from a nearby village."

Clarke said that because Askin Jr was "mixed blood" and fluent in the "Ottawa and Chippewa languages" he was sometimes sent to negotiate with Indigenous groups.

On September 9, 1776, Askin Sr freed his "Panisse slave" (Mannette). Miles concluded, since all correspondence with Mannette stopped after that, she might have thought her best option was to completely cut off contact with her former owner and three young children. However, Quaife thought another possibility was that she passed away.

In 1772, Askin Sr married Marie-Archange (aka Marthe-Archange) Barthe, whose ancestry was French. Her father was a well-known Detroit trader. The children by Mannette stayed with the second wife, in a "household served by Indian and black bondspeople." Askin and Barthe had nine children.

Askin Sr's freeing of Mannette was certainly not common among British slaveholders in Detroit. Quaife, Talman and other historians have noted that Askin Sr treated his part-Indigenous children the same as he did his other nine offspring. For instance, Askin Jr was educated in Montreal for several years before his father helped him find employment.

However, Askin Sr continued to own slaves after Mannette departed. In a 1776 inventory of his slaves, he said he had two Black men, two Indian boys and two Panis "wenches." He included a price for each of these individuals held in bondage.

In his May 18, 1778 letter to M Beausoleil, he said he needed "two pretty panis girls of from 9 to 16 years of age."

In 1787, Askin Sr had eight slaves, four who were Black, two Panis and two children of an unspecified race.

It is possible that at least some of the Indigenous women slaves Askin Sr had in his household were sexually exploited by him or others.

Askin Sr's land transactions with Indigenous tribes were particularly suspect during the 1796 period. For further information about his often questionable handling of Indigenous lands, I recommend looking at the previously mentioned Miles and Clarke books.

In 1802, Askin Sr moved to Sandwich in Upper Canada to manage the Western District.

Part One - Baptist Askin - Brief Biographical Sketch

Baptist Askin was born in Detroit. He served on the side of the British during the War of 1812. On January 22, 1813, he led a small band of Indigenous people to defend Major-General Isaac Brock at the Battle of River Raisin (aka the Battle of Frenchtown) in a section of what is now Monroe, Michigan. That battle ended before he and the band arrived, but he later served as a Metis interpreter for Colonel Henry Proctor.

When the Rebellion of 1837 broke out, Baptist Askin took action to suppress William Lyon Mackenzie and his followers. He destroyed the press and type of the St Thomas Liberal newspaper. In 1838, he was promoted to colonel.

Baptist Askin married Elisa Van Allen in 1814; the couple had eight children. They settled in Vittoria, Norfolk County, Upper Canada, where he held various official positions. In 1832, the family moved to London after the district court was transferred there. He established himself as a prominent resident, with a mansion called "Woodview," in an area now called Wortley Village. He was a major force behind the establishment of the town's Mechanics Institute and was also president of the Middlesex Agricultural Society for 30 years. In addition, he held a number of official positions in London, including clerk of the peace. The "London Elite" which included the Harrises of Eldon House, considered Askin to be one of their own.

There are four reminders of Colonel Askin in Wortley Village. The jog in Elmwood Avenue follows the lane that led up to his estate. Askin Street bears his name, plus Cynthia and Teresa Streets, which branch off from Askin, are named after his daughters.

The Daily Advertiser obituary praised him as "the most extensively known citizen in Western Ontario. . .mourned by a large circle of warm personal friends as well as sorrowing members of his family."

Part One - Baptist Askin's Grave, Woodland Cemetery, London, Ontario, 2000

Below is a photo I took of Baptist Askin's grave in 2000:

The Ivey Family London Room supplied the information below in September 2010.

The grave is located in Row 30, Stone 5. The inscription reads:

In memory of Col. John Askin (April 10, 1788-November 14, 1869), his wife Elizabeth (January 20, 1792-November 24 1872)

Part One - Conclusion

Although there is no concrete evidence to back it up, Askin Sr's correspondence points to a disparaging attitude towards some Panis women, particularly young ones. He also referred a couple of times to Madelaine, an escaped Black woman slave, as a "wench."

Yet, as previous mentioned, Askin Sr looked after his children by Mannette. He ensured they were educated, that they married into what he considered to be respectable families, and that they were "reared to civilization." Askin Sr mostly raised Baptist Askin, probably because Askin Jr was so busy living and working outside of Detroit.

One possible reason for this varying treatment of Indigenous women is that Askin Sr recognized Mannette's knowledge of Indigenous culture and languages was valuable to his fur trading business. Aboriginal traders were also influenced by his access to alcohol.

There were many skeletons in Baptist Askin's closet, but he left his mark on London. He was both a colonel and an Indian at a very tumultuous time.

Part One - End Note #1: Terminology for Indigenous People Used in This Post

There are many ways Indigenous people describe themselves, e.g., tribal, cultural and legal. Sometimes Aboriginal communities changed their names because the terms originally used for them could be considered derogatory. On other occasions, they replaced names given to them by Europeans with their traditional ones. Historical developments have also influenced what they call themselves.

Indian still has a specific meaning under the terms of the Canadian government's , which is still in effect. Although some Indigenous people object to the use of the term Indian, other recognize its legal implications. Since most of the contents of this post takes place when Indian was the term commonly used, it is employed when appropriate to the context.

For further information about Indian and other terms relating to Indigenous people, please refer to Section B of my April 18, 2018 https://www.counterpoise.ca post about cultural misappropriation, which can be found elsewhere on this blog.

Panis (aka Panisse or panis) appears in this post but was not discussed in my April 18, 2018, Section B entry. From about the 1670s to the 1830s, enslaved Indigenous people in the New World were often referred to as Panis. The word appears to have originated in New France, but its use spread to the British and American revolutionaries. However, this term can mean several different things, including Pawnee, which is a Central Plains Indigenous tribe located in Oklahoma, United States. Because Panis can have several different connotations, I will only use it when it is clearly understood to mean an Indigenous slave.

Part One - End Note #2: Terminology for Geographical Locations in Canada and the United States

At various times between 1739 and 1867, Indigenous groups, France, Britain, American revolutionaries, Canada and the United States held the balance of power in the geographical locations discussed here. This was particularly the case with Detroit. It would be complicated and time-consuming to explain all these historical transformations. If you are interested in learning more, please consult Canadian and American reference sources, and the bibliography.

However, I will point out the United States declared its independence from Great Britain on July 4, 1776, followed by the March 11, 1781 confederation. Canada became a confederation on July 1, 1867.

Part One - End Note #3: London, 1800-1855

London was part of Upper Canada from 1741 until 1841, when the name changed to Canada West. The British North America (BNA) Act of 1867 led to the creation of the province of Ontario, which is still the case today. Ontario was one of four provinces that made up the newly created Canada.

The district of London was proclaimed in 1800. An 1826 provincial bill led to the forks of the Thames becoming the administrative and legal centre of the London district. London became a town in 1840 and a city in 1855.

Part One - Bibliography

Banersee, M. (2018, February 19). Detroit's dark secret: slavery. Retrieved from Michigan Today: https://michigantoday.umich.edu

Barkwell, L. (2014, January 13). Mackinaw Jackets. Retrieved from Gabriel Dumont Institute: https://gdins.org

Barkwell, L J. (2013, December 10). Jean-Baptiste Askin. Retrieved from Gabriel Dumont Institute: https://gdins.org

Boyd, H. (2017, December 15). A book that will make you rethink slavery and the north. Retrieved from Washington Post: www.washingtonpost.com

Brock, D J. (2011). Fragments from the Forks: London, Ontario's legacy. London, Ontario: London & Middlesex Historical Society.

Bronson, L N. (1968, April 27). Londoner cousin of famed historian. London Free Press, p M9.

Campbell, C T. (1921). Pioneer days in London. London, Ontario: Advertiser Job Printing Company.

Cangany, C. (2019, October). Dawn of Detroit [review]. Retrieved from https://muse.jhu.edu: Project Muse.

Clarke, J. (2001). Land, Power and Economics on the Frontier of Upper Canada. Montreal: McGill-Queen's University Press.

Curnoe, G. (1996). Deeds/Nations. London, Ontario: London Chapter, Ontario Archeological Society.

Curnoe G. (2003). Askin Street. In M Baker and H B Neary, London Street Names (pp 9-10). Toronto: James Lorimer & Company.

Death of Colonel Askin. (1869, November 15). Daily Advertiser.

Farrell, D R. (1983). Askin (Erskine), John. Retrieved from Dictionary of Canadian Biography, volume 5: http:www.biographi.ca

Ferguson, W. (2000). Canadian History for Dummies. Toronto: Wiley Publishing.

Hughes, J, & Purdom T H. (1912?). History of the Bar of the County of Middlesex. London, Ontario: Middlesex Historical Association.

London Public Library. (2015, May 5). McClella's Blog. Retrieved from: From shoebox cards to scanned images: www.londonpubliclibrary.ca

Lutman, J H. (1979). The South and West of London: An Historical and Architectural Guide. London, Ontario: City of London.

McGuire, B. (1985, March 9). Ask Les anything. London Free Press.

Metis Nation of Ontario. (2012?). Metis Role in [reprint from Niagara This Week]. Retrieved from Metis Nation of Ontario: www.metisnation.org

Metis Nation of Ontario. (2012?). Metis Voyageur - Metis & War of 1812 [announcement]. Retrieved from Metis Nation of Ontario: www.metisnation.org

Miles, T. (2013, May/June). Slavery in Early Detroit. Michigan History, pp 33-37.

Miles, T. (2017). The dawn of Detroit: a chronicle of slavery and freedom in the city of the straits. New York: New Press.

Miles T. (2020, August 5). Tiya Miles. Retrieved from Tiya Miles: http://tiyamiles.com

Mills, D, Penneton, D, & McIntosh, A. (2020, May 22). Family Compact. Retrieved from Canadian Encyclopedia: https://www.thecanadianencyclopedia.ca

Mongrain, M. (2017, April 11). The Mackinaw coat: a Canadian invention. Retrieved from Parks Canada/Fort St Joseph National Historic Site: https://www.pc.gc.ca

Niagara This Week. (2012, July 25). Metis' role in 1812 commemorated. Retrieved from Niagara This Week: www.niagarathisweek.com

Quaife, M M. (1928). John Askin Papers, Volume 1: 1747-1795. Retrieved from the University of Windsor: https://scholar.uwindsor.ca

Simner, M L. (2012). The Heart of Wortley Village. London, Ontario: London & Middlesex Historical Society.

Sokoi, J. (2017, November 21). Detroit's untold stories of slavery. Retrieved from New York Times: https://www.nytimes.com

Talman, J J. (1948, August 8). Col. Askin Prominent Pioneer. London Free Press.

Talman, J J. (1976). Askin, John Baptist. Retrieved May 2010, from Dictionary of Canadian Biography: https:www.biographi.ca

Tourism London. (2020, March 24). A brief history of London, Ontario. Retrieved from Tourism London: www.londontourism.ca

University of Windsor Archives. (2020, September 5). The life of John Askin. Retrieved from University of Windsor Archives: leddy.uwindsor.ca/archives

Wikipedia contributors. (2018, April 20). Mackinaw cloth. Retrieved from Wikipedia: https://en.wikipeda.org

Wikipedia contributors. (2019, November 20). John Askin Jr. Retrieved from Wikipedia: https://en.wikipeda.org

Wikipedia contributors. (2020, March 4). John Askin. Retrieved from Wikipedia: https://en.wikipeda.org

Wikipedia contributors. (2020, June 20). Lawrence J Barkwell. Retrieved from Wikipedia: https://en.wikipeda.org

Wikipedia contributors. (2018, August 7). Panis slaves of First Nations descent. Retrieved from Wikipedia: https://en.wikipeda.org

NWT Metis Leader Nick Sibbeston - Bringing About Positive Changes to the Catholic Church/Indigenous Spirituality Relationship

2019-06-02T15:40:00.:00

Disclaimer: My references to the writings of other people--both Indigenous and Non-Indigenous--do not in any way imply that they share my views on this matter. The opinions expressed here are my own, and do not necessarily reflect those of my family, friends or associates.

Note One: The photos included with this post are by Rene Fumoleau (b. 1926), who has lived in the North for more than 50 years. He has donated more than 15,000 images to the NWT Archives: https://www.nwtarchives.ca. I can use the eight included here, with attribution, because this is my personal blog. But including them does not imply in any way that he shares my opinions.

If you want to look at more of Fumoleau's creations, go to the Fumoleau section of the NWT Archives site.

Note Two: Around 2014, I instituted a policy regarding both my blogs that I do not include links to other people's websites or blogs on mine. Consequently, you find information on how to locate the links (but not hyperlinks). Further clarification can usually also be found in the bibliography.

Introduction

I first became aware of Nick Sibbeston's memoir, "You Will Wear a White Shirt" (2015), when I read about it in a 2015 Northern News Services column by honorary Dene chief Cece Hodgson-McCauley (1922-2018). The fact that Hodgson-McCauley made note of his memoir made me interested in reading it, because I frequently shared her honest and forthright opinions.

When she passed away in March 2018, Sibbeston was quoted in the press as saying she was "fearless, spirited, civic-minded [and]. . .just marvellous." His praise provided yet another motivation.

I was also intrigued because Sibbeston was very much involved with Northwest Territories (NWT) politics both times I was in the capital city of Yellowknife. My first time, May 1975 to October 1976, I was employed by the Indian Brotherhood of the Northwest Territories (IBNWT) in the library/central files area. (The IBNWT became the Dene Nation in 1978.) During my second time, November 1983-April 1987, I was employed by the Dene-Metis Negotiations Secretariat on library/archives matters. Both times I trained Dene/Metis people.

For most of the 1970s to the early 1990s, Sibbeston was an elected member of the NWT's Legislative Assembly. Although I do not believe I ever met him, I was very much aware of what he was up to because he frequently pushed for, or helped enact, major changes to territorial policy. During the time he was premier, 1985-1987, his trailblazing initiatives accelerated.

Nick Sibbeston at Fort Good Hope Dene National Assembly, July 1980 (cropped, edited)

Preliminary Comments about "You Will Wear a White Shirt"

"You Will Wear a White Shirt" covers Sibbeston's early life in his home community of Fort Simpson, Northwest Territories (NWT). He then discusses his negative, but occasionally positive, experiences at residential schools, not only in Simpson, but also in Fort Providence, Fort Smith, Inuvik and Yellowknife.

He then talks about his schooling at the University of Alberta (UofA), along with his marriage, family and work with the NWT government. We also learn about his business initiatives, his UofA law degree, and his work in the Senate. His memoir was published in 2015 when he was still a senator. In November 2017, on his 74th birthday, he resigned because he wanted to spend more time on other matters that were of interest to him.

For brevity's sake, I will be concentrating on his political contributions, particularly during the time I was in Yellowknife. But what interests me the most is that he has returned to Fort Simpson, and, along with his wife Karen, is helping to re-establish the Sacred Heart Catholic Church. He believes the solution to the numerous historical conflicts between the Dene and the church, is to incorporate more Dene practices into the liturgy. Consequently, he is in the process of translating the Catholic Mass into one of the Dene languages, called Slavey.

Despite the fact that Sibbeston explores a lot of difficult topics in this book, I did not find it a chore to read; it was like he was having a conversation with me. And his honesty is refreshing; it is not an "it's all the White man's fault" Indigenous narrative. For instance, he freely acknowledges where he has benefitted from his interactions with Non-Aboriginals. But he also articulates how many aspects of colonization and the residential schools failed him and other Indigenous people.

He is not a proponent of the far-leftist, anti-development, absolutist rhetoric which I contend frequently stifles public discourse on what happens in the NWT. Consequently, he is not afraid to state an unpopular opinion, if that is his true conviction.

For instance, in 2005, he opposed the expansion of Nahanni National Park because "Aboriginal people. . .need money to run their governments and the mineral and fossil resources to create jobs for their people." He distributed a "Nahanni Forever?" newsletter to every NWT household, which laid out his arguments. This newsletter provoked both applause and condemnation.

I agree with him that Aboriginal people need to be actively involved in business, both as individuals and through development corporations. He is right that "[t]raditional economies are insufficient to support growing populations and are often quite marginal. Only through wealth creation can sustainable communities be built."

However, he also recognizes that development has to be responsible and not harm the environment. He is very concerned about how climate change in the NWT is contributing to "erratic weather and earlier open water." He plans to be insistent that something be done about it.

Nunavut Senator Dennis Patterson, who succeeded Sibbeston as NWT premier, recommended Sibbeson's book for its insights into the history of the NWT's political development, and because it courageously told all. I have found the book helpful for those exact same reasons.

Sibbeston's account of 1970s-1980s NWT happenings frequently transported me back to when I was living there. This process has helped me to more fully understand what was going on behind the scenes when major territorial policy decisions were being made. In addition, it has led me to conclude that I have three, albeit tenuous, connections to his life path.

Slave River, August 1982

My Three, Albeit Tenuous, Connections to Sibbeston's Life Path

- In Fort Simpson During the Passing of the Dene Declaration, July 1975

The first is that, on July 19, 1975, I was in Fort Simpson at the Indian Brotherhood of the Northwest Territories Joint General Assembly, when the Dene Declaration was passed (I was a recording secretary, know shorthand). In his memoir, Sibbeston discusses the implications of this declaration. Although I agree with him there have been positive developments as a result of its passing, I think there has also been a downside. But I will leave that controversial topic for another day.

- At Yellowknife Airport When Pope John Paul II Spoke There, September 1984

Secondly, on September 18, 1984, I was at the Yellowknife airport when Pope John Paul II spoke to the crowd (including Dene and Metis leaders) gathered there. The Pope was supposed to be in Fort Simpson, but the plane he was in could not land because of fog. Nick's wife, Karen, was instrumental in convincing the Pope to come to Simpson, not only during the failed attempt in 1984, but the successful one in September 1987.

I have a circa 1984 booklet which the Roman Catholic Church commissioned in preparation for the Pope's visit. It covers Fort Simpson's history from the 1800s to the 1980s. In addition, there are interviews with Dene and Metis elders about both their positive and negative experiences with the church. The booklet is entitled "Liidli Koe = Two Rivers of Faith (Fort Simpson, Denendeh)" Further information can be found in the bibliography. I will be discussing its contents in a bit more detail later in this post.

- My Parents, Jay Peterson (1920-1976) and Charles T. Peterson (1913-2007), Shared Nick and Karen's Interest in Religious Matters

The third is that my mother Jay Peterson (1920-1976) shared Nick and Karen's interest in religious matters. Mom was raised in a number of different Protestant religions, and said she benefitted from this diversity. She also believed in learning from other cultures. During the 1960s, she helped organize religious art exhibitions at First-St. Andrew's United Church in London, Ontario. These exhibitions included not just Judeo-Christian, but also Muslim "Art and Artifacts."

It is therefore not surprising that when I was growing up, Mom encouraged me to explore a variety of cultural and spiritual experiences beyond that of the United Church. I went to Catholic Mass, Jewish synagogue services, and Quaker "Friends' meetings. In addition, I tagged along with her to Indigenous gatherings, such as the Indian Pageant at Six Nations of the Grand River.

To learn more about my mother, click on the "Jay Peterson" label in the right sidebar of my https://www.leithpeterson.ca blog.

My father, Charles T. Peterson (1913-2007), frequently said it was important to believe in a higher power than oneself. He was a long-time member of the United Church of Canada, right up until his final days. He also shared many of my mother's interests, including regarding Indigenous issues. His funeral program included Biblical passages and an "Iroquois prayer."

For further information about my father, click on the "Charles T. Peterson" label in the right sidebar of my https://www.leithpeterson.ca blog.

I have inherited my parents' belief in reaching out to others across the cultural divide, so I applaud Sibbeston's Dene-cizing the church initiative. I firmly believe the answer to much of the current racial strife often lies in hybridizing cultural systems instead of stressing their differences. For further information regarding my views on this, see my April 18, 2018 cultural misappropriation post, which can be found elsewhere on this blog.

My cultural misappropriation research, along with my personal experiences, and my reading of Sibbeston's memoir, has made me acutely aware of many of the negative aspects of colonization. But there were some positive aspects, such as some Indigenous people gaining marketable skills that benefitted them later in life. Sibbeston noted many of the beneficial things he learned at some of the residential schools he attended.

It is also important to bear in mind that Indigenous cultures were not perfect before the White man came. One of the interesting aspects of the "Two Rivers" publication is that it covers Dene and Metis elders' positive and negative experiences with, not only the church, but also with their own cultures.

My Narrative on Indigenous Issues Needs to be Considered in Context

In the ". . .Personal Journey" section of Part One of Three of my May 2016 https://www.counterpoise.ca series, I explained why I felt pressured to carry on my mother's involvement in Aboriginal issues after she passed away in December 1976. The time period before, during and after her death was when Indigenous groups, including the Dene, were establishing a national presence, e.g., voicing opposition to the Mackenzie Valley Pipeline, due to unsettled land claims. Many of the people my mother had aligned herself with naturally hoped I would carry on where she left off.

But I had numerous concerns about this. One of them was that I am very much an integrationist by nature. I became more reticent as the "nation" concept increased in prominence. Although I did not express these views openly at the time, I inwardly felt more would be gained if Indigenous people developed marketable skills that would help them become part of the mainstream economy. However, I also realized that, at the same time, they needed to preserve, document and practise the positive aspects of their culture.

I knew my pro-mainstream views ran counter to what the "cause" was espousing. Consequently, I masked my true feelings, and carried on with a "crusader zeal" which only made matters worse in the long run. If you are interested in learning more about my inward/outward dilemma, read the ". . .Personal Journey" section.

Nevertheless, a beneficial aspect of my reluctant involvement was I wanted Indigenous people to run their own show. This was why I was insistent that I train Aboriginal people to take over the work I was doing. I did not want to be part of the process on a permanent basis. The advantage of it from an Indigenous perspective, particularly during Sibbeston's time as an MLA and premier, was that I was busy training Dene and Metis people to take over. Since Sibbeston wanted more Indigenous people involved with decision-making, I am assuming he would have thought this was OK.

Fort Simpson - Dehcho-Liard River, 197-?

Sibbeston's Life Path: From Residential Schools to Senate to Simpson

I will first discuss Sibbeston's early years, his time at various residential schools, his university degrees and marriage, and his career in territorial politics and the Senate. I will then talk about his healing journey, particularly during the 1985 to 2006 period. Finally, I will get to the part that I am most interested in, his Dene-cizing of the church in Fort Simpson.

"idyllic" Early Years, 1943-1949

From his birth in November 1943, until the early fall of 1949, Sibbeston was raised in Fort Simpson. His mother, Laura Sibbeston, had him out of wedlock, so he did not have a father. Although Laura is Metis, she was raised as a Dene by her adopted parents.

Sibbeston and his mother lived with a Dene woman named Ehmbee, who Nick considered to be his grandmother. Ehmbee could not speak Latin, French or English, but she faithfully brought Nick to Catholic Mass every Sunday. He considered these church experiences to be ". . .distant--like another world."

Despite his misgivings about church services, he described his early years as "idyllic. . .[a] young boy could not have asked for a better upbringing."

Residential Schools Attendance, 1949-1964

Sibbeston's mother developed tuberculosis (TB) and had to go south to hospital. Consequently, in the fall of 1949, he was sent to the Fort Providence residential school. Although his mother returned from her hospital stay around 1955, she eventually moved to Hay River. She wanted to live in a place that had the southern amenities she had grown accustomed to during her illness.

From 1955 to 1964, Sibbeston attended residential schools in Fort Simpson, Inuvik and Yellowknife. The negative aspects of this schooling became more apparent to him during the 1980s--I will have more to say about this in the "Healing Journey" section below.

But there were some positive aspects to his education. He gained valuable academic skills, such as reading, writing and arithmetic. At Fort Smith's Grandin College, he had some excellent teachers. In addition, he enjoyed playing hockey and basketball.

University of Alberta and Marriage

In the fall of 1964, Sibbeston started his studies at the Faculty of Education, University of Alberta. Some of his high school teachers had encouraged him to continue learning, so he thought perhaps he would emulate them and become a teacher.

He attended four classes with Karen Benoit, "a beautiful girl from Lloydminister, Alberta." She did not drink and enjoyed liquor-free activities, particularly dancing.

Sibbeston got along well with Karen's family. Her father was an "uprooted Acadian farmer," and her mother was of British background. Karen was the fifth eldest of their 17 children.

During the fall and winter of 1967-1968, Nick and Karen worked as supervisors at Breynat Hall in Fort Smith. Sibbeston became friends with the Breynat administrator, Fr. Camille Piche. It was Piche who performed Nick and Karen's marriage ceremony at a Lloydminster church on August 17, 1968.

I appreciated Sibbeston's honesty about the "phenomenon" of Aboriginal and Non-Aboriginal people "getting together" frequently in the North. My experience has been that this topic is often taboo, even though it is so prevalent. He also said this intermingling "certainly stirs up the gene pool and creates a good breed of people." You do not hear this observation very often from Indigenous people, even though I believe this hybridity is often beneficial.

in the summer of 1969, Glen, the first of Nick and Karen's six children, was born. Nick received his Bachelor of Arts in April 1970, and became secretary-manager of the hamlet of Fort Simpson that fall.

Kakisa Lake, river, village, June 1978

Sibbeston's Years in Territorial Politics, 1970-1975, 1979-1991

In December 1970, Sibbeston was elected MLA for Mackenzie-Liard. After he lost the 1975 election, he decided to pursue a law degree at the University of Alberta. He became the first Indigenous lawyer born and raised in the NWT. In 1979, he was re-elected and remained in territorial politics until 1991. From 1985 to 1987, he became the second Aboriginal NWT premier.

"You don't get anything done by writing nice letters and speaking calmly"

In his book "Arctic Revolution" (1994), John David Hamilton (1919-2009) said Sibbeston was ". . . a very different kind of personality. . .who was constantly ruffling feathers." I know exactly what Hamilton meant by this.

Sibbeston was determined to bring more recognition for Dene rights and culture in the assembly "both practically and symbolically." He objected to the militaristic, Westminster style of government procedures, which paid almost no attention to "Northern culture."

I burst out laughing when he said ". . .you don't get anything done by writing nice letters, and speaking calmly. You have to slam the table and often raise your voice. . ."

Early 1980s Incidents That Don't Fit into the "Speaking Calmly" Category.

I was not in Yellowknife when the following four early 1980s incidents occurred, but I certainly remember public debates and media reports about them.

- When the 1982 budget and subsequent assembly discussions on the matter of Dene languages failed to provide more funds for this purpose, Sibbeston spoke in Slavey. The proceedings "ground to a halt," and "[e]veryone looked bewildered, moving uneasily in their seats." This led to the Speaker recessing the house for a caucus meeting. At this meeting, Sibbeston got his wish to have an interpreter when he spoke in his language.

- During the 1982 winter session, in reply to the commissioner's speech, he removed his suit and tie, and put on a fur-trimmed moose-hide jacket, adorned with beadwork. He encouraged his Dene and Metis colleagues to do the same in future, rather than be shackled to the government's "suits and oxfords" rules.

- February 17, 1982: Sibbeston devoted about five pages of his memoir to before, during and after his hitting Inuk MLA, Tagak Curley, on the side of the head with his fist. For this, he was suspended from the house for the rest of the day. He apologized the next. There are complicated reasons for why this dustup occurred. I recommend reading the book to get more insight. Sibbeston said in his office he had a "framed editorial cartoon" of himself, fiercely making a point in the assembly, with a hockey-helmet-wearing Curley looking on.

- A few weeks after his "round with Tagak," he caused a stir in the assembly again by throwing a coffee cup in the direction of the chair, Peter Fraser. The cup broke into pieces and the room fell silent. Before he headed out to the lobby, Sibbeston said he was resigning. Commissioner John Parker told him to go home and talk with his constituents. When he returned to Simpson, he was treated like a hero and told he should throw more cups.

Later in life, Sibbeston concluded that his "political passion to see right was done" for Indigenous people was definitely connected to the trauma of his residential schools years.

But outside of the "assembly ropes," he could be "the picture of cooperation and collaboration." By 1986, he had garnered mostly positive reviews for his work as minister and government leader.

1983-1987 - "Great Progress and Achievement" in the NWT

As Sibbeston states in his memoir ". . .1983 to 1987 was one of great progress and achievement in the Northwest Territories." I can attest to the truthfulness of this because I was an eye witness to it.

Among the NWT milestones when Sibbeston was premier (1985-1987) were:

- Aboriginal employment in the territorial government increased from 17 to 26 per cent. This included appointing "strong Aboriginal people into senior positions."

- Implementation of the Official Languages Act, 1984. English and French had full official status, along with official recognition of the seven Aboriginal languages.

- The NWT Pavilion at Expo 86 in Vancouver, British Columbia was one of the most popular Expo attractions. Inuk MLA, Tagak Curley, among others, helped to make the pavilion a success. It brought in more than a million dollars during its sixth-month operation.

- National political and constitutional meetings included the NWT's involvement.

Of course, all these major changes were bound to rub some people the wrong way. Sibbeston acknowledged that "MLAs and the media did not always agree with my decisions or actions."

I remember the shock in Yellowknife when Sibbeston terminated a number of Non-Aboriginal bureaucrats, and replaced them with Indigenous people. His actions were a huge departure from the federal government's longstanding assimilationist policy.

Blueberry, n.d.

Dene and Metis Divisions

I share Sibbeston's disappointment with the breakdown of the Dene and Metis land claims process. For about three years after I left Yellowknife, I had some NWT publications mailed to me, because I wanted to follow what was going on. I was not surprised when the Dene-Metis Negotiations Secretariat shut down in November 1990.

I agree with Sibbeston that one of the factors contributing to the breakdown was the 1984 Inuvialuit Final Agreement. The Inuvialuit (Western Arctic Inuit) obtained both extensive surface and limited subsurface rights to renewable resources in their region. As Sibbeston points out, this settlement has contributed substantially to improving the social and economic well-being of its inhabitants.

The Dene regions near the Inuvialuit, and the Southern Metis, could see the benefits of settling. But the southern Dene wanted to hold out for a better deal. Unfortunately, this deferral has led to a far more complex negotiations process. Although some claims are settled, there are still regional, and even community-level claims, in process.

I do understand why Indigenous communities would want to hold out for a better deal, but I fret about the impact the decades-long process is having on the NWT's economy. Since July 2015, I have had a subscription to Northern News Services, which covers happenings in the NWT. It makes me very sad to see how many problems there are, not only in Yellowknife, but also in many of the communities. Unemployment, addiction and crime are at record levels. I realize there are complex reasons for this, that are not entirely related to land claims or the economy. But I suspect if the remaining claims are settled, it would lead to more certainty, not only for Northern residents, but also for potential investors.

Sibbeston believes the breakdown in the Dene and Metis claims process has had some negative impacts in the Western Arctic. He said "[t]he complexity of the regulatory system is due, at least in part, to the patchwork implementation of land claims."

But he also realizes that economic development in the NWT must not be of the "boom and bust" variety. In 2012, he helped draft a report which set out a "vision for development that is both progressive and sustainable."

Lutsei K'e - backlit silhouette - Dandelion, 197-?

Sibbeston''s Healing Journey, circa 1985 to 2006

Throughout his "young adult life," Sibbeston drank, partied and chased women. This behaviour continued for a long time after his marriage.

When he was in territorial politics, particularly when he was government leader, he also suffered from post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) and mild depression. As his self-destructive and mental health issues took an increasing toll on his personal and family life, he realized he had to get help.

Through "counsellling and self-reflection" he concluded that the six years he spent at the Fort Providence residential school, without seeing his mother, were the "most traumatic" period of his life. He was teased because he was fairer than the other boys, he was sexually assaulted by an older Aboriginal boy, and he was "treated cruelly by the nuns."

His wife Karen's "love and forgiveness," and his "faith in God" were what saved him. Despite his negative experiences with the church, he has been able to move past his resentment. He now advocates that the church incorporate Dene cultural practices into the liturgy. I will have more to say about this "Dene-cizing" in the section below about his work at the Fort Simpson church.

Sibbeston regained his well-being by quitting drinking in 1985 and by attending Marriage Encounter sessions with Karen. In 2006, he was inspired by Margaret Trudeau's account of her struggles with mental illness, and got further help from an Ottawa psychiatrist.

Christianity and Indigenous Spirituality Finding Common Ground in Quite a Few Indigenous Communities in Canada

Although you would not know it by reading many mainstream media accounts, Christianity and Indigenous Spirituality are finding common ground in quite a few places in this country. Statistics Canada's 2011 National Household Survey found that two out of three Aboriginal Canadians consider themselves Christian, although their church attendance was not necessarily on a regular basis.

Since about 2006, I have maintained a file of articles on this Christian/Indigenous Spirituality hybridity. Rather than cite all these items, I suggest interested readers do an online search for "Christian" and "Indigenous" or "Aboriginal." Canadian journalist, Douglas Todd, has written about this topic a number of times, so you could do an online search of his name, along with the other keywords.

Consequently, Sibbeston's work combining the Indigenous with the Christian at the Sacred Heart Church in Fort Simpson is part of a trend to be found elsewhere.

Fort Simpson - Sun. - Trees, March 8, 1986

Sibbeston's London, Ontario Veritas Lecture, September 22, 2016

On September 22, 2016, Sibbeston gave a presentation entitled "Incorporating Indigenous Spirituality into Church Liturgy and Practice." His contribution, which was sponsored by the Sisters of St. Joseph, was part of the Veritas Series for Faith and Culture. This hour-plus event took place at King's University College in London, Ontario.

I am sorry I missed this lecture in my hometown, but fortunately a video of the proceedings is available for viewing online. For further information, see the bibliography.

Sibbeston referred to his early years sitting on his grandmother Ehmbee's knee at the church. He said almost all of the services were in Latin or French. Ehmbee would "lighten up" when the priest occasionally spoke in Dene.

In more recent years, the services have been conducted in English, but he thought a greater number of Dene people would attend if their culture was more part of the service. It has been a challenge for him to translate the liturgy into Slavey because many of the concepts are not based on matters the Dene are familiar with. But he believes it is worth the effort, so that what is actually going on is understood.

Re-Establishment of the Sacred Heart Church in Fort Simpson

As Sibbeston explained during the London, Ontario lecture, the Fort Simpson community came together to make sure the church was re-established. The original church, which was built in 1923, had to close in October 2009 because it was structurally unsound.

When the Diocese of Mackenzie-Fort Smith Bishop, Mark Hagemoen, visited Fort Simpson in 2013, he concluded that now was the time to rebuild. At that point, local parishioners had raised $300,000 towards the church, through bake sales, bottle drives, and other fund-raising initiatives.

Hagemoen managed to secure the remaining funding and support from the Archdioceses of Edmonton and Hamilton, as well as Catholic Missions in Canada.

On September 17, 2017, the new $1.3 million Sacred Heart Church opened. Some of the items in the new structure had been saved from the old, including the baptismal font, made of local diamond willow.

When the consecration Mass was over, a special service was held at the site of Pope John Paul II's September 20, 1987 visit.

Days before the church opening, Hagemoen had been appointed the new Bishop of Saskatoon, so he greeted the consecration of the new parish with mixed emotions.

During the opening, Sibbeston was quoted as saying "if we could Dene-cize the Church, we could use our language and we could have songs in our language, people will come back."

On Sundays, he, along with other parishioners, translates the Mass into Dene. Drumming is often part of the service. The offerings are collected in a birch-bark basket and a moose-hide blanket.

Ndilo - Rene's house - Northern Lights, March 1971

Conclusion

As mentioned in the "Healing Journey" section above, Sibbeston said he was saved by "Karen's love and forgiveness" and his 'faith in God." His faith came from his grandmother Ehmbee, who attended church every Sunday, and who "lived a life of kindness, gentleness and love."

I think Karen deserves extensive praise for her patience and understanding during her husband's trials and tribulations. And I strongly suspect Ehmbee is beaming down from heaven at the good work her grandson is doing.

Bibliography

Catholic Missions in Canada. (2016, October 14). Sacred Heart Church in Fort Simpton, Northwest Territories. Retrieved from Catholic Missions in Canada: https://cmic.info/missions-in-focus/sacred-heart-chrch-in-fort-simpson.

CBC News. (2017, September 21). N.W.T. Senator Nick Sibbeston resigns. Retrieved from CBC News: https://www.cbc.ca/news/

Cooke, L, & Piche, C. (1984?). Liidli Koe = Two Rivers of Faith (Fort Simpson, Denendeh). Yellowknife? Native Communications Society of the Western NWT.

DeGroot, P. (1984, September 19). Yellowknife residents delighted by papal visit. Edmonton Journal.

Dene Nation. (2019, May 29). Dene Nation - History. Retrieved from Dene Nation: https:denenation.com/about/history

Edwards, T. (2108, March 17). 'I did very well, didn't I?' Retrieved from Northern News Services: https://www.nnsl.com

Ehrkamp, A. (2017, September 17). Fort Simpson rejoices as new church opens. Retrieved from Grandin Media: https://grandinmedia.ca

Ehrkamp, A. (2017, December 13). New church in the North a symbol of reconciliation Retrieved from Grandin Media: https://grandinmedia.ca

Hamilton, J.D. (1994). Arctic Revolution: Social Change in the Northwest Territories, 1935-1994. Toronto: Dundurn.

Hodgson-McCauley, C. (2015, December 21). Make Daryl Dolynny NWT ombudsman! Retrieved from Northern News Services: https://www.nnsl.com

News/North. (1990, November 19). Negotiations office to shut down November 30.

Northern News Services (2017, September 24). New church, renewed hope. Retrieved from Northern News Services: https://nnsl.com

NWT Archives. (2019, May 23). Copies and Use of Archival Material. Retrieved from NWT Archives: https:www.nwtarchives.ca

O'leary, K.P. (2015, March 4. Expo 86. Retrieved from Canadian Encylopedia: thecanadianencyclopedia.ca

Prince of Wales Northern Heritage Centre. (2019, May 30). Seasons of Beauty: Photographs by Rene Fumoleau. Retrieved from Prince of Wales Northern Heritage Centre: https://www.pwnhc.ca

Senate or Canada. (2016, March 31). Meet Senator Dennis Patterson. Retrieved from Senate of Canada: https://sencanada.ca

Sibbeston, N. (2015). You Will Wear a White Shirt. Madiera Park, BC, Douglas & McIntyre.

Sibbeston, N. (2016, September 22). Incorporating Indigenous Spirituality into Church Liturgy and Practice. Retrieved from King's University College: https:www.kings.uwo/ca/campus-ministry

Statistics Canada (n.d.) 2011 National Household Survey: Religion. Retrieved May 2019 from Statistics Canada: https://www12.statcan.bc.ca

Wikipedia. (2019, March 12). Nick Sibbeston. Retrieved from Wikipedia: https://en.wikpedia.org/wiki/Nick_Sibbeston

Why It is Taking Me So Long to Write a Multi-Part counterpoise.ca Series About Cultural Misappropriation, As It Relates to Indigenous People Who Live in Canada

2018-04-18T18:04:00.:00

Disclaimer: My references to the writings of other people--both Indigenous and Non-Indigenous--do not in any way imply that they share my views on this matter. In addition, the images I have included are for expositional purposes only. The people in these images may not share my views. The opinions expressed here are my own, and do not necessarily represent those of my family, friends or associates.

Note One: The title of this post includes the phrase "Indigenous people who live in Canada," rather than "Canadian Indigenous people." because I know there are some Aboriginals living in this country who do not consider themselves to be Canadian. I recognize that many Aboriginals have legitimate grievances that need to be addressed. However, I think they are better off to try and resolve their differences, while remaining Canadian.

Note Two: The nature photos, which I took during walks in my neighbourhood, have nothing to do with the contents of this post. I included them as a reminder of our universal connection to the natural world.

A. Introduction: Two Sides to Every Story

Since January 2017, I have been working on a multi-part counterpoise.ca series about cultural misappropriation as it relates to Indigenous people who live in Canada. The reason it is taking me so long is because I have been revisiting my late parents' and my connection, not only to this particular topic, but also to Aboriginal issues generally. It has been an eye opener for me to review 60 years of this material.

Because it is going to take me more time to finish the multi-part series, I have, in the interim, published this abbreviated one-post version.

Before I started working on this series, I considered myself to be relatively well-versed regarding the historical reasons why Aboriginal people are sometimes exploited because of the misuse of their work or ideas. But my research has made me realize the roots of the problem are much more extensive than I had realized.

Duck in water, London, Ontario, September 15, 2016

Nevertheless, I had been familiar with many aspects of the topic from an early age, mainly because my late parents got involved with Indigenous issues in 1958 when I was six. For further information about my parents connection, you can check out my December 15, 2016 leithpeterson.ca post, entitled "Part Four of Four: Tribute to Jay Peterson (1920-1976), on the 40th Anniversary of Her Passing - Her Involvement With Indigenous Issues, 1958-1976, December 15, 2016," Go to https://www.leithpeterson.ca, and click on the "Jay Peterson" label in the right sidebar, to find it.

https://www.leithpeterson.ca/2016/12/part-four-of-four-tribute-to-jay.html

In addition, my September 27, 2013 leithpeterson.ca post, entitled "Charles T. Peterson (1913-2007) - His (Rejected) Submission to the Royal Commission on the Northern Environment, 1978," includes many of my father's views on Aboriginal issues. Go to https://www.leithpeterson.ca, and click on the "Charles T. Peterson" label in the right sidebar, to find it.

https://www.leithpeterson.ca/2013/09/charles-t-peterson-1913-2007-his.html

My parents instilled in me a deep appreciation for genuine Indigenous creations. We had quite a few examples in our family home, some of which I now have in mine. In addition, I have other treasures that I have purchased over the years.

My knowledge of Aboriginal matters expanded dramatically when I worked primarily in Native organizations in Southern and Northern Ontario and the Northwest Territories, from 1975 to 1987. My employment in this area included some work in the cultural field. Consequently, I have some understanding of Indigenous knowledge, and appreciate why many traditionalists object to the commodification of it.

From the 1970s onwards, I have recorded my views on Aboriginal matters in published and unpublished form. I consulted with quite a few Indigenous people about my writings until around the mid-2000s. Although I got a lot of very helpful advice from these individuals, I concluded that I was often better off to work on my own. I will have more to say about why I decided to go solo in my multi-part series.

The mid-2000s was also the period when I decided to disengage from the Indigenous "cause." Since then I have mostly been on the outside looking in. However, I have continued to write about my experiences, because it helps me to make sense of all that happened to me.

From 1990 onward, my employment has been almost entirely in the mainstream. I am not out to make a living out of writing about my experiences with Aboriginals, but I feel my perspective needs to be taken into consideration, along with those of Indigenous people writing about their situation.

I do not agree with those who think only people from the culture in question should be able to comment. Sometimes those on the outside looking in can provide insights that those directly involved cannot publicly voice for various reasons.

In April 2011, I launched both my leithpeterson.ca and counterpoise.ca blogs. A few Aboriginals have given me positive feedback on some of my previous counterpoise.ca posts. But I did not consult with them before publishing my views.

Nevertheless, I realize it is important to be very careful what I say about this subject. That is why I spent months working on my previous counterpoise.ca posts. And, as mentioned, earlier, I have been working on the cultural misappropriation topic since January 2017. During this time, I have read hundreds of articles about the misuse of Indigenous heritage. Many were written by Aboriginal people who have been personally wounded by the loss of their culture. It was heartbreaking for me to review so many accounts of the damage this has caused.

I also looked at scores of articles by People of Colour (PoC). Quite a few acknowledged they borrowed from other cultures all the time. Their main concern was that any writing about the subject had to be done respectfully and carefully. But Indigenous discussions were frequently less nuanced and more focussed on blaming cultural loss almost entirely on colonization. Those Aboriginals who thought that the cultural misappropriation issue needed to be examined in context got relatively little attention.

So, if Aboriginals who want to consider both sides of a story often get short shrift, my prospects of having my voice heard, as a Non-Aboriginal, are even worse. In fact, many social justice advocates claim that my views are of no value because of the colour of my skin. But I disagree with this viewpoint. Indigenous issues were front and centre during a number of pivotal times in my life, including my mother's December 1976 passing.

What I am presenting is my interpretation of my experiences. This is not the same as Non-Indigenous individuals writing fictional or non-fictional accounts about Aboriginals they have no connection to. I think it is important to make this distinction because a lot of the cultural misappropriation debates have concentrated on Non-Indigenous people writing about Indigenous people without having any background to the subject matter. This is not the case with many elements of the story I am telling.

Duck, London, Ontario, September 12, 2016

Although I frequently understand Indigenous peoples' cultural misappropriation concerns, there have been some instances where I think the objections have gone off the rails, into an outright censorship situation. I have a right, as a participant in an experience with an Aboriginal person, to express my opinion of what I think happened in that interaction. The Aboriginal person, of course, has the right to counter my interpretation.

I pay for both my blogs out of my own pocket. Although I am working on a book about my two generations of experience with Indigenous issues, it is still at the developmental stage and there have been no financial transactions so far in this regard.

If people do not like my views, then they can ignore them. But, because there are two sides to every story, I think my opinions should be out there for those who want to consider another perspective.

B. Terminology for Indigenous Peoples Is Multi-Layered and Multi-Faceted

In the multi-part counterpoise.ca series I am working on regarding cultural misappropriation, I include a section on terminology relating to Indigenous peoples. This is because there is quite a bit of confusion regarding why and how certain terms apply to the first inhabitants of this country. Below is an abbreviated version of what I plan to include in my multi-part series.

B.1 Canadian Federal Government's Interpretation of Indigenous/Aboriginal Terminology

The uncertainty over terminology has been heightened by numerous changes to Indigenous policy since Prime Minster Justin Trudeau took office in November 2015. For instance, in August 2017, Indigenous and Northern Affairs Canada (INAC) split into two departments: Indigenous Services Canada, and Crown-Indigenous Relations and Northern Affairs Canada. While the split is taking effect, people are directed to either the Indigenous and Northern Affairs Canada or the Indigenous Services Canada home pages.

On the Indigenous and Northern Affairs Canada site, a December 4, 2017 entry says:

"Indigenous peoples" is a collective term for the original peoples of North America and their descendants. Often "Aboriginal peoples" is also used. The Canadian Constitution recognized three groups of Aboriginal peoples: Indians (more commonly referred to as First Nations), Inuit and Metis. These are three distinct peoples with unique histories, languages, cultural practices and spiritual beliefs.

What I take this to mean is that the term "Aboriginal peoples" is defined in the Canadian Constitution and "Indigenous peoples" is not.

In a March 23, 2018 article about the University of Victoria's Indigenous Law degree program, which starts in September 2018, there is a distinction made between "Aboriginal law" and "Indigenous law." According to this article, when Canadian common and civil laws interact with Indigenous communities, it is called "Aboriginal law." But when Indigenous people utilize their own self-governing oral laws, it is called "Indigenous law."

So, even though I use the terms Indigenous and Aboriginal interchangeably throughout this post, Aboriginal has a distinct meaning in terms of the Canadian legal system.

B.1.1 Indian

As mentioned above, the Canadian Constitution recognizes the term "Indian." This is at least partly because 'Indian" has a legal meaning in documents, such as the Indian Act. Bob Joseph provides guidance on when Indian should and should not be used in a post he wrote for the "Working Effectively With Indigenous Peoples" blog. You can find the citation for this in the bibliography at the end of this post.

The most recent edition of the online Canadian Press Stylebook recommends that the term Indian be avoided "except when it is the stated preference." Status Indians sometimes prefer it to be used.

B.1.2 First Nations

"'First Nations people' include Status and Non-Status Indians."

B.1.3 Metis

The federal government defines Metis as "one of the three recognized Aboriginal peoples in Canada, along with Indians (First Nations) and Inuit."

As Metis Adam Gaudry explained in his "Metis" entry for the Canadian Encyclopedia, the term is "complex and contentious." I recommend reading Gaudry's article for further information.

B.1.4 Inuit

"Inuit are the Indigenous people of the Arctic. The word Inuit means 'the people' in the Inuit language. The singular for Inuit is 'Inuk.'"

B.2 Native

When I was working in Aboriginal organizations in the 1970s and 1980s, the use of the term "Native" was common. But, in a July 2016 blog post, Bob Joseph described Native as an "outdated collective term," although he acknowledged some groups, such as the Native Women's Association of Canada, still use it.

B.3 How Indigenous/Aboriginal People Describe Themselves

Many Indigenous people prefer to describe themselves in their own traditional way.

C Cultural Misappropriation and Related Terminology Issues

The Concise Oxford Companion to English Literature defines cultural appropriation as the "taking over of creative or artistic forms, themes or practices by one cultural group from another." This "taking over" can be a positive or negative occurrence, depending on the circumstances.

The 2015 guidebook "Think Before You Appropriate: things to know and questions to ask in order to avoid misappropriating Indigenous cultures" navigates the reader through this issue. It was published by the Intellectual Property Issues in Cultural Heritage project (IPinCH) at Simon Fraser University in Burnaby, British Columbia, Canada. iPinCH is a "collaboration of scholars, students, heritage professionals, community members, policy makers and Indigenous organizations across the globe."

The guidebook notes that cultural appropriation occurs all the time, so the issue is more one of cultural misappropriation, which is a "one-sided practice where one entity benefits from another group's culture without permission and without giving something back in return." I think the term cultural misappropriation is far more accurate and will use it as much as possible instead.

However, I will still employ cultural appropriation if it applies in a particular context, e.g., it is used in the title of the work being cited.

D Lack of Consensus on What Cultural Misappropriation Means and When it Occurs

As explained in Part C above, cultural appropriation occurs when the process is one-sided, rather than reciprocal. Although this interpretation certainly lays out the groundwork for further dialogue, there is still debate over when the process is one way.

There are also difficulties reconciling intellectual property rights (IPRs) with many Indigenous world views. IPRs are a Western construct designed to protect literary, artistic and other works, through the use of copyright, patents, trademarks and designs legislation. There is usually a commercial, individual, "fixated," and time-limited methodology to IPRs.

But the spiritual, variable and overlapping aspects of most Indigenous philosophies often do not mesh with IPRs. Traditional knowledge does not view heritage as a commodity that can be bought and sold, so the economic rights aspects of IPRs often conflict with this.

Pink Flower, London, Ontario, July 4, 2016

Another difficulty is that traditional knowledge terminology is open to varying interpretations, depending on the Indigenous group consulted. I agree with those who believe this knowledge needs to be more clearly explained. As an April 2, 2018 Globe and Mail editorial pointed out, "a strong definition would only give it more value."

Additional specifics are also required for cultural misappropriation terminology. Toronto, Ontario, Canada, writer, Brian Fawcett, is right that more exacting vocabularies, such as those from the literary, philosophical or legal traditions, would make communicating regarding this topic more effective.

I think the more specific vocabulary should be legal, but should be developed in such a way that it respects both Indigenous and Non-Indigenous protocols. However, I believe there are times when a compromise needs to be struck between the two world views.

Michael F. Brown is the president of the School for Advanced Research (SAR) in Santa Fe, New Mexico, United States. SAR supports Native American research in anthropology and related fields. Brown believes "legal protocols" are needed to "resolve knotty questions."

The 189-member Intergovernmental Committee on Intellectual Property and Genetic Resources, Traditional Knowledge and Folklore (IGC) is part of the United Nations World Intellectual Property Organization (WIPO). Since the early 2000s, the IGC has been trying to come up with a global process to protect Indigenous cultural property.

Canadian Indigenous groups, such as the Assembly of First Nations, have expressed concerns about the lack of financial support they are getting to participate in these talks. This is because many of them are hoping that the IGC can make misappropriating Indigenous culture illegal worldwide.

But it seems to me that if the IGC has not been able to make much progress after 17 years, it does not seem likely this will change much, even if funding were supplied to Canadian Indigenous groups. I believe this is because tribal systems have frequently become fragmented due to the passage of time and modernity.

I am far from an expert, but, after examining this issue for more than a year, I contend it often appears to be easier to implement cultural misappropriation compliance on a case-by-case basis, or with regards to specific items, such as visual art. Trying to come up with a global interpretation is very difficult due to the many different views in Indigenous communities. For instance, some have both elected and hereditary systems, which often have different perspectives.

This is where I think Michael F. Brown's "legal protocols" to "resolve knotty questions" could apply. There will be some instances where the issue will be relatively straightforward, such as with a tribe that has a longstanding tradition of using a particular art style or custom. But there will be others where the cultural entity has been influenced by such a confluence of factors, that it would be difficult if not impossible to confirm a cultural misappropriation charge.

White flower, London, Ontario, September 16, 2016

Some traditionalists maintain that the way around this problem is to decolonize and create small independent nations or sovereign entities. They believe that going back to Indigenous systems wherever possible is the best route forward. I disagree with some aspects of this. As I said in Note One at the beginning of this post, I recognize that many Indigenous people have legitimate grievances that need to be addressed. However, I think they are better off to try and resolve their differences, while remaining Canadian. Many Aboriginal people are able to function successfully in both worlds.

In addition, there is a tendency for some traditionalists to idealize pre-contact societies. They make it sound like returning to the old ways will resolve all the current dysfunction. But I maintain these societies, with their frequent inter-tribal warfare, and the disparaging treatment of women by some tribes, were often far from idyllic. It might be better, in some instances, to take the best from both worlds, and create hybridized systems, that still support Canadian sovereignty, but respect Indigenous world views. However, these systems need to include economic partnerships with the Aboriginal community, that will lead to financial sustainability.

Perhaps the four-year Indigenous Law degree, which will be starting at the University of Victoria in September 2018, may cause me to revise some of my views. This program, which is the first of its kind in the world, will combine Indigenous methodology with Canadian common law. To me, this is a form of hybridity, which could lead to a better legal framework. So possibly out of this, the best of both worlds can be achieved.

E "Necessity the Mother of Invention" in My Mother's Baby Carrying Creations - And I Was a Factor in this "Necessity"

Before working on this cultural misappropriation series, I had assumed that my father's circa 1970 biographical sketch, which stated that my mother became interested in the "plight of Indians" in 1958 was accurate. But now that I have had a chance to examine my mother's files more closely, it appears she was at least aware of some Aboriginal matters before this date. This was because she invented several baby carriers, which she acknowledged were influenced by a variety of different cultures, including Indigenous.

She was an artist and an art historian who saw the creative process as a continuum throughout history that was built upon and added to by successive generations and cultures. Therefore, her inventions incorporated the ingenuity of mothers throughout the ages.

She said in a 1958 London Free Press article that "necessity was the mother of invention." As the oldest of her four children, I know I was a factor in her "necessity." This was because I was always taking off down the street, into the water, and so on. She decided that for her three younger children, she would be prepared.

Leith Peterson "eavesdropping" on neighbours, 1953

In May 1955, a photo of my baby brother Chris in a "webbing sling" on my mother's back, with three-year old me looking on from a stroller, appeared in the London Free Press.

London Free Press, May 10 or 11, 1955

Since you will likely have trouble reading the cutline it says:

The Indians thought of it--Mrs. Charles Peterson adapted it--little Christopher Peterson loves it. Mrs. Peterson has three children three years old and under, and getting them from place to place presented problems until she thought of the practical solution devised by the Indians. Above she pushes three-year old Leith in her cart, while Christopher rides comfortably in a webbing sling on his mother's back. (Photo by Ernie Lee, Free Press Staff Photographer).

This photo and cutline are part of the London Free Press Collection of Photographic Negatives, Western Archives, Western University.

Also below is a scan of the actual photo that appeared in the London Free Press in May 1955.

L-R: Chris, Jay and Leith Peterson, London Free Press, 1955

My mother was certainly unlike many other Non-Indigenous people in the 1950s because she acknowledged she got her sling idea from the Indians. She did not act like it was her creation alone.

(Note: Although the Peterson family home on Dufferin Avenue in London, Ontario, Canada (ca. 1951-1977) was sometimes referred to as the "United Nations," and there were East Indians who visited our home over the years, I have concluded from looking at my mother's files that she was crediting North American Indians for the sling concept.)

In a 1959 Chatelaine article, Mom said that she had not patented her creations "because that might lead to a business venture that would take her away from her children." She was so selfless that she never got any financial compensation for any of her baby carrying devices. In fact, the Chatelaine article included a diagram on how to make the baby chair. The chair was initially referred to as the "Peter Perch," and later the "babi-sitter."

Here is a 1958 London Free Press photo of my brother Don in the "babi-sitter."

Don Peterson in "babi-sitter," London Free Press, November 6, 1958

From 1958 to 1967, the babi-sitter was one of the major fundraisers for the Service League of London. It was available for purchase in hospital gift shops across Canada, and was also sold in Switzerland, Italy, France, England, Bermuda and the United States. In 1966, the League made $3,000 on the sale of the chair alone.

Below is a 1953 photo of my brother Stu in another one of my mother's inventions, called the "babi-toter" (a.k.a. the "shoulder bag carrier"). The Chatelaine article also included a diagram on how to make the toter.

Stu Peterson in "babi-toter," 1953

(Note: Stu's legs and feet were in casts because he has club feet. His legs and feet were later straightened.)

A November 6, 1958 London Free Press article, entitled "Necessity Mother of Invention" included a photo of Mom at the stove at our home on Dufferin Avenue, with my brother Don in the babi-toter.

Jay with Don Peterson in toter, London Free Press, 1958

Joan May, the author of this article, said my mother "thought of ways Indian mothers, Eskimos and Chinese have looked after infants from ancient times. She adapted the old ideas to new ones of her own."

I wonder if my mother was aware of the Jolly Jumper around the time that she was giving credit to the Indians for some of her baby carrying concepts. This is because Susan Olivia Poole (1889-1975) was part Ojibway (also spelled Ojibwe). She was originally from a reserve in Minnesota in the United States, and later moved to Canada.

Poole remembered how an Ojibway mother would rock her baby in a papoose hanging from a sturdy tree branch. In 1910, Poole used a cloth diaper, axe handle and steel spring to fashion her first Jolly Jumper for Joseph, the first of her seven children. She marketed her invention in 1948. In 1957, her son Joseph Poole and she patented it.

Around the mid-1960s, I remember seeing my first cousin smiling and bouncing around in a Jolly Jumper. Other family toddlers may have also enjoyed it as well, but I can only confirm that my first cousin used it.

For further information about my mother's baby carrying devices, go to my leithpeterson.ca blog. Click on the "Jay Peterson" label in the right sidebar and look at Part One of Four and Part Two of Four of my December 15, 2016 series, entitled "Tribute to Jay Peterson (1920-1976) on the 40th Anniversary of Her Passing, December 15, 2016."

https://www.leithpeterson.ca/2016/12/part-one-of-four-tribute-to-jay.html

https://www.leithpeterson.ca/2016/12/part-two-of-four-tribute-to-jay.html

In addition, you can read my May 4, 2012 post entitled "Jay Peterson (1920-1976)."

https://www.leithpeterson.ca/2012/05/jay-peterson-1920-1976.html

F. My Father Wore Genuine Cowichan Sweaters

Around 1977, my father, Charles T. Peterson (1913-2007), moved to Duncan, British Columbia, Canada. Shortly after he arrived there, he started wearing genuine Cowichan sweaters. Here is a photo of my father and me in Duncan in December 1995.

L-R: Charles T. Peterson and Leith Peterson, Duncan, 1995

Dad continued to proudly wear the sweaters after he moved back to Ontario in 1997, right up until his final days. Below is a photo I took of him in October 2006.

Charles T. Peterson, Fergus, Ontario, 2006

Because of working on this post, I ended up doing some research into the history of genuine Cowichan sweaters. The Coast Salish, which includes the Cowichan, were expert weavers for many years before contact. By 1500, archeological records show the technique had been perfected. Blankets and other woven products were usually made from mountain goat wool, dog hair and other long fibres.

After sheep started to be raised on Vancouver Island in the 1850s, a switch was made to this type of wool. "Coast Salish European circular knitting" was first documented at the Sisters of St. Anne Roman Catholic mission in Duncan. From about 1864 to 1904, the Sisters of St. Anne provided instructions on how to knit. In the 1870s, knitting was also taught at the Anglican mission in Metlakatla.

Since the 1950s, the Coast Salish creators of the genuine sweaters have faced relentless competition from those who produce the inauthentic variety. The copies are often sold at a lower price, thereby undercutting the Indigenous sellers. As a result, the Cowichan Band Council passed a resolution, in 1981, outlining what constituted an authentic sweater. The requirements included the type of wool and designs used, and the knitting method. The band does not have copyright protection on the sweater, but registered the name "Genuine Cowichan." Each sweater is also given a registration number and a label indicating that it is an authentic product.

Around 1986, my father mailed me a genuine Cowichan hat from Duncan.

Leith Peterson wearing Genuine Cowichan hat, March 2018

It has a "genuine" label in the inside.

Label on inside of Cowichan hat, March 2018

If you have trouble reading the label, it says "Genuine Cowichan by Wilma."

My father was very supportive of Indigenous craftspeople, just like my mother was. He often bought Indigenous-designed products for family members, including me. This was one of the ways he showed his respect for Aboriginal people.

G Conclusion

In 1991, Hartmut Lutz published Contemporary Challenges: Conversations With Canadian Native Authors. In the preface to the book, Lutz concluded that many Natives wanted Non-Native people ". . .to use self-restraint. . .to learn and listen to First Nations people before writing about them, to at least seek permission before telling their stories."

Well, I have had numerous conversations with Indigenous people over the past 50 years. In addition, I have read many books by Native authors. My attendance at plays and presentations by Aboriginals has taught me a lot. Consequently, I think it is time to move from the back seat to the front and contribute to the discussion.

I do understand the need to get permission for the use of tribal-specific information, such as artistic designs. I acknowledge that many Aboriginal peoples' histories and cultures have been distorted and exploited over time. In addition, I recognize that many have taken advantage of Indigenous peoples' traditional knowledge, without giving back anything in return.

Autumn leaf, London, Ontario, October 28, 2016

Nevertheless, I think the permission aspect can end up being a form of censorship if it only amounts to silencing a Non-Aboriginal who wants to state a point of view that does not adhere to the "Aboriginals are always right and Non-Aboriginals are always wrong" narrative.

I contend there are grey areas where stopping misappropriation outright would be difficult if not impossible. In other words, I think there should be a selective application of cultural misappropriation.

I also believe the personal experiences of Non-Aboriginals who have been involved with the Indigenous situation for one reason or another, need to be taken into account. I heartily disagree with those who say that only Indigenous people can write their perspectives on this. Why shouldn't a researcher be able to look at both sides of the story? The researcher might end up rejecting the Non-Indigenous viewpoint, but it should be available for consideration.

My view is that the ability to operate on two or more cultural paths is a healthier way to live, than to insist on only following one route. I recognize that because Indigenous people lost so much of their culture over the years, they would want to regain the knowledge and the connection. But I think it is a mistake to believe that one has to disparage one culture in order to function in another.

I will have more to say about all this in my multi-part series.

Bibliography

Academic Entrepreneur (2016, March 26). Susan Olivia Poole: An Iconic Woman for the Bank of Canada's new Banknote. academientrepreneur.com

Atkinson, N. (2017, January 3). Knit wit: 5 things you didn't know about Canada's beloved Cowichan sweater. globeandmail.com

Austin (2017, August 17). Protecting Indigenous Cultural Property: Is Intellectual Property Law Actually the Answer? pacficpeoplespartnership.org

Bird, H. (2017, June 13). Cultural appropriation: make it illegal worldwide, Indigenous advocates say. cbc.ca

Bird, H. (2017, June 17). Money now available to cover Indigenous groups' travel costs to UN negotiations. cbc.ca

Brown, Michael F. (2017). About/Upriver Home. michaelfbrown.net/about

Brown, Michael F. (2017, June 17). Beyond hoop earrings: The damaging impact of the cultural appropriation meme. michaelfbrown.net/category/culturalappropriation

Canadian Press (2018). Canadian Press Stylebook: Online guide for writing and editing. thecanadianpress.com

Davis, A. A. (2018, March 23). University of Victoria law degree a world first. macleans.ca

Face of Native (2015, March 25). For your information: History of Cowichan knitting. faceofnative.ca

Fawcett, B. (2017, June 29). Cultural Appropriation, Misappropriation and Cultural Exchange: a primer. dooneyscafe.com

Gaudry, A. (2016, November 16). Metis. Canadian Encyclopedia. canadianencyclopedia.com

Globe and Mail (2018, April 2). Globe editorial: Ottawa pits 'traditional knowledge' against 'science,' and then walks away. globeandmail.com

Indigenous and Northern Affairs Canada (2017, December 4). First Nations. aadnc-aandc.gc.ca

Indigenous and Northern Affairs Canada (2017, December 4). Indigenous peoples and communities. aadnc-aandc.gc.ca

Indigenous and Northern Affairs Canada (2017, December 4). Metis. aadnc-aandc.gc.ca

Indigenous and Northern Affairs Canada (2018, March 22). Inuit. aadnc-aandc.gc.ca

Intellectual Property Issues in Cultural Heritage Project (2015). Think Before You Appropriate. sfu.ca/ipinch

Jolly Jumper (n.d.). History. Retrieved June 7, 2017 from Jolly Jumper. http://216.95.206.43/history

Joseph, B. (2016, July 20). Indigenous Peoples Terminology: Guidelines for Usage. Working Effective With Indigenous Peoples. ictinc.ca/blog

Joseph, B. (2017, August 15). Tips for Purchasing Authentic Indigenous Art. Working Effectively With Indigenous Peoples. ictinc.ca/blog

Lloyd, A. (2017, June 19). It's Cultural Appropriation All the Way Down. The Weekly Standard. the weeklystandard.com

London Free Press (1955, May). New Look - Old Custom.

Lutz, H. (1991). Contemporary Challenges: Conversations With Canadian Native Authors. Saskatoon: Fifth House.

May, J. (1958, November 6). Necessity Mother of Invention. London Free Press.

McColl, K. (1959, May). Babies are meant to be near you. Chatelaine, pp. 108-109.

Meikle, M. (1987). Cowichan Indian Knitting. UBC Library Open Collection. https://open.library.ubc.ca

Ogumamanam, C. (2017, June 28). Rethinking copyright for Indigenous creative works. Policy Options. policyoptions.org

Oxford Reference (2017, February 20). Concise Oxford Companion to English Literature. oxfordreference.com

Peterson, L. (2003, May 10). Remembering Mom. London Free Press, p. F3.

Peterson, L. (2006, May 27). From party panache to practical. London Free Press, p. F3.

Stopp, M. P. (2012, Fall). The Coast Salish Knitters and the Cowichan Sweater: An Event of National Historical Significance. Material Culture Review. https://journals.lib.unb.ca

Woodrow, A. (2018, March 7). University of Victoria offers first combined Indigenous law degree. Canadian Lawyer Magazine. canadianlawyermag.com

Cultural Misappropriation, "Molasses" and HTTPS

2018-04-10T13:00:00.:00

Disclaimer: My references to the writings of other people--both Indigenous and Non-Indigenous--do not in any way imply that they share my views on this matter. The opinions expressed here are my own, and do not necessarily represent those of my family, friends or associates.

During the mid- to late-1970s, some Indigenous women I knew at the time gave me the nickname "Molasses" because of my slow-motion style. They can rest assured I am still as slow as molasses in January.

These women are not alone in their opinion. Many Non-Indigenous people of my acquaintance think it is taking me far too long to finish my multi-part counterpoise.ca series on cultural misappropriation, as it relates to Indigenous people who live in Canada. In fact, I have been working on it since January 2017.

For those who have been waiting patiently (or in some cases, impatiently), you can rest assured I am working on it regularly, and it is taking shape.

In other news, on April 8, 2018, I upgraded to HTTPS on this blog, so the url is now:

https://www.counterpoise.ca

I have also updated to HTTPS on my blog about me generally:

https://www.leithpeterson.ca

Part Three of Three: Why I Think Canadian Aboriginal Integration is Better Than Parallelism or Assimilation: More People Need to be Involved With Indigenous Policy Decision Making

2016-05-27T04:58:00.:00

Disclaimer: My references to the writings of other people--both indigenous and non-indigenous--do not in any way imply that they share my views on this matter. The opinions expressed here are my own, and do not necessarily represent those of my family, friends or associates.

Note 1: In this post, I will primarily be focussing on First Nations people living on- and off-reserves. For brevity's sake, I will not be covering Inuit- and Metis-related issues. But when I include information about indigenous people generally, e.g., statistics, it sometimes incorporates Inuit and Metis.

Note 2: The nature photos, which I took during walks in my neighbourhood, have nothing to do with the content of this post. I found working on this entry so mentally challenging, that I sometimes recharged by playing slideshows of these images.

Part Three - A "Ordinary Canadians" Are Frequently Left Out of Decisions Regarding Aboriginal Policy

Although I do not agree with Sudbury lawyer, Peter Best, that all aboriginal rights should be eliminated, I concur with the point he made in his There is No Difference essay (2016)--available at nodifference.ca--that decisions regarding indigenous issues are not, for the most part, being made in consultation with ordinary Canadians.

Best's definition of "ordinary Canadians" is anyone who is not part of the "Indian industry." In the industry category, he includes "Indian band elites. . .politicians, civil service elites" and many in academia, particularly those in "native studies departments." Non-indigenous professional people who provide services to this industry are also on his list. However, he acknowledges he is generalizing about a complex topic.

I agree with him that it is difficult to make sweeping statements regarding who makes up the industry. This is because there are many people, who fall into the categories he lists, who are helping to improve the situation. But, as I explained in the "Personal Journey" section of Part One, I have found there are individuals who promote the parallelism narrative, even when it does not make sense to do so, and these parallelists can often be found in the groups Best cites.

I also concur with Best that a lot of indigenous policy decision making is an "essentially private conversation amongst our courts, governments, governing classes, Indian elites and the Indian industry generally." Ordinary Canadians are not consulted about what is going on, but they need to be because they are affected by these decisions.

For instance, Supreme Court decisions regarding indigenous rights and resource development are causing many companies to not pursue projects in contentious areas. This has negatively impacted thousands of people, including aboriginals working in the resources industry.

(See "Part Three - F Indigenous Rights, Resource Development and Environmental Stewardship" for an expanded discussion of the above paragraph.)

I believe most ordinary Canadians agree it is best for the country to remain unified. I also think the majority of citizens uphold the humanist and social democratic values this nation was founded on, which include freedom of speech and the rule of law. Of course, there are many aspects of this country's history that were detrimental to indigenous people, but this does not mean the fundamental principles are lacking in merit. If anything, these principles, such as peace, order and good government, should be lauded.

There also has to be a greater emphasis on social democratic values such as equality and the rights of the individual, instead of the current stress on collective rights, when it comes to indigenous issues. This is because when aboriginal lobby groups negotiate with their federal, provincial and territorial counterparts, grassroots aboriginals are sometimes left out of the conversation.

And when aboriginal lobby groups negotiate with government leaders, many non-aboriginal Canadians are left out of the conversation as well. In fact, the last time Canadians had a say regarding indigenous policy was during the 1992 referendum following the failed Charlottetown Accord. At that time, Canadians rejected the self-government concept, which was based on parallelism.

October shrubbery, October 11, 2015

Despite this rejection, the federal government ignored Canadians' wishes and stated, in 1995, that an "inherent right" to self-government was now government policy. Nevertheless, both the 1980s entrenchment of aboriginal rights in the Constitution and the 1995 statement still saw indigenous governments operating within the Canadian legal framework.

The federal government's May 2016 support for the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP) underscores their commitment to increased aboriginal autonomy. Fortunately, a number of analysts are recommending that UNDRIP's adoption include provisions to ensure that Canadian laws and policies are still adhered to.

The federal government is also planning to do away with the Indian Act and change the focus to Section 35 of the Constitution and UNDRIP. This could end up being OK if indigenous groups do not want to separate from Canada. But if some groups decide they want to break away, I think the federal government should have a referendum to get Canadian feedback on this. In my opinion, separating from Canada is unacceptable, particularly if these groups still expect to get government funding.

Conrad Black made an important point when he said that Canadians have demonstrated respect for other cultures, but are "achingly slow to defend" their own. He also said many radical activists promote a "process of self-hate" that demands almost all aspects of our past be renounced and rebuked.

This self-hate has got to stop or it will literally destroy this country and everything it stands for. It is perfectly acceptable to reach compromises that will contribute to both indigenous and non-indigenous well-being. But Canadians should not forget the many sound principles this country was founded on, and if these views are challenged, they should make their opinions known.

Part Three - B Scapegoating/Betrayal of Some Non-Aboriginals

Since 2007, I have been networking with non-aboriginals who are concerned with some aspects of the way that indigenous policy is being handled in this country. For the most part, those of us who feel this way are not part of the decision-making apparatus of this country. But we still want to publicly express our views on what we see is wrong with the way the federal, provincial, territorial and municipal governments often respond to indigenous issues.

Earlier in our lives, we were very much involved with the aboriginal situation for one reason or another. In some instances, this commitment extended back one or two generations in our immediate families. As previously mentioned, my primary involvement was working in aboriginal organizations. Others were connected with the residential schools in some way. Still others are professional people whose employment intersected with the indigenous community.

But around the late 1980s/early 1990s, many of us felt scapegoated and/or betrayed. Some of us spoke out initially, but later backed off, due to the harsh criticisms we received. However, now quite a few of us are semi-retired or retired, and are advocating once again that our side of the story gets more attention.

I saw what I consider to be scapegoating occur with some non-aboriginal residents of Caledonia, Ontario. They were in the wrong place at the wrong time when a land claims dispute ignited in 2006. Although the situation there has been comparatively better since 2014, there are still many unresolved differences between some non-aboriginal residents and aboriginal occupiers involved with the land claims dispute. For more information regarding my views on Caledonia, click on the "Caledonia" label in the right sidebar.

Wildflower, March 9, 2016

Those who worked at residential schools have had a particularly troubling plight. Although there is no doubt that abuses happened at some schools, this was not the case with them all. There were many staff members, including aboriginal ones, who did the best they could under the circumstances. And up until the early 1990s, it was quite common for numerous residential school attendees to praise the support they got at the schools. But since then, it has become politically incorrect for most attendees to do so. Consequently, since the late 1980s, most people who worked at the schools have been reticent about even acknowledging their role.

I suspect why some of the scapegoating/betrayals occurred in the late 1980s/early 1990s, was because aboriginal rights were entrenched in the Constitution in the early 1980s. In my opinion, this caused some aboriginals and their supporters to develop too much of a cavalier attitude towards anyone whose lifestyle or views did not advance their "cause." This was the case even if the falsely accused had tried to do their best to support aboriginals in the past. In other words, some people became expendable for political reasons.

But I contend that, if indigenous leaders want to ensure justice really happens, they should acknowledge those who helped them along the way, rather than regularly throwing them under the bus.

Part Three - C "Hemispatial Neglect" = One-Sided Analysis of Aboriginal Issues

There has to be more attention given to the entire story, rather than the current emphasis on blaming everything on colonization and the residential schools. As National Post columnist, Barbara Kay, noted, some radical leftists (she called them "blind progressives"), particularly on Western campuses, frequently oppose any Western icons, "especially if they are dead white males of European provenance." Kay provided the example of Wilfrid Laurier University's February 2016 decision to abandon a privately funded Canadian prime ministers statue project. Their pronouncement was based on opposition from some people on campus, who thought the project would offend indigenous and other groups.

Kay said that those opposed showed signs of having a neurological condition called "hemispatial neglect." This condition made them think that any argument from what they perceived as the "right" should be suppressed.

But, as Naomi Lakritz of the Calgary Herald pointed out, former prime minister, Paul Martin, has championed aboriginal causes since his retirement. He would have been one of the former prime ministers included. This is just one of many arguments for why disapproval of the project lacked objectivity.

Because radical leftists often judge the past by today's standards, their analysis of historical events should be challenged. Yet their "hemispatial neglect" dominates most of the discussions about aboriginal issues. It frequently contends that all indigenous people suffered cultural genocide. In other words, it takes a very complex situation and reduces it to collectivist rhetoric.

Part Three - D Need for More Administrative Fairness

Am grateful to a colleague who made me aware of administrative fairness guidelines, specifically the ones assembled by the Alberta Ombudsman. I suspect many "ordinary Canadians" would agree that indigenous policy does not always adhere to these guidelines.

For instance, Guideline #6 is "Reasonable Apprehension of Bias." This means that the process must demonstrate the "impartiality and independence" of the decision maker. My view, and that of others, is that some of the policy makers in this area have demonstrated a distinct bias towards the parallelism position, at the expense of other options.

One example of this is the Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples (RCAP), which was established in August 1991, and which tabled its final report in 1996. The original RCAP composition was four aboriginal and three non-aboriginal commissioners, one of whom was Allan Blakeney, the former NDP premier of Saskatchewan. Jeffrey Simpson described Blakeney as the only non-aboriginal who had "hands-on experience" with the topic, "not as some abstract idea or legal theory." But in April 1993, Blakeney resigned because he felt the other commissioners were "dreaming up unworkable non-solutions."

Mallard Duck, May 9, 2016

The RCAP report is frequently held up by some aboriginal spokespeople as the "blueprint" for how to "fix" the "relationship." In a December 8, 2015 CBC Radio/Unreserved interview, Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada (TRC) Chair, Murray Sinclair, acknowledged that quite a few of the "calls to action" were "echoed" in other reports, such as RCAP. I think this underscores why the TRC executive summary, which was released in June 2015, often falls into the same rut as the RCAP report. This is because the RCAP recommendations, which revolved around parallelism, did not always apply to the 42 per cent of aboriginals who lived off-reserve 20 years ago.

Now, 20 years later, the number of aboriginals living off-reserve has increased to 56 per cent (although some indigenous spokespeople say it is more like 70 per cent). Since parallelism primarily addresses the reserve situation, this means it should not be trumpeted as a blanket solution to native woes.

Part Three - E Governance and Accountability on Reserves

Many aboriginal leaders contend that on-reserve poverty is the result of misguided government policies. This is certainly the case in quite a few instances. But there are just too many reports of mismanagement, resulting from poor governance, for it to be blamed solely on non-aboriginals. John Reilly said in Bad Judgment he had been told by a source he considered reliable that "aboriginal policing had evidence of millions of dollars going into offshore accounts."

In Dances With Dependency, Calvin Helin lamented "Aboriginals' unhealthy focus on the federal government," which had contributed to a deeply engrained "'culture of expectancy.'"

Phyllis Sutherland is a Peguis Band member who supports better accountability on reserves. In 2012, she said that attempts to get financial information from her band leadership were ignored, and members were "subjected to intimidation tactics, such as fearmongering, public attacks and attempts to destroy a person's credibility."

Reilly's, Helin's and Sutherland's accounts are just a few of the ones I have read that address lack of accountability in some aboriginal governance systems. Despite many indigenous leaders' protests to the contrary, there does seem to be a pattern here that I do not think can be solely blamed on colonization and the residential schools.

As mentioned earlier in Part Three, Peter Best thinks that "ordinary Canadians" need to participate more in indigenous policy decision making. I agree with him that these ordinary Canadians are often grassroots aboriginals who are negatively impacted by poor reserve governance.

Autumn tress and shrubs, October 16, 2015

Part Three - F Indigenous Rights, Resource Development and Environmental Stewardship

I am all for sustainable resource development that will preserve the environment, but I think some "green initiatives" are being implemented too hastily, without enough concern for the burden they are placing on, not only the economy, but the individual ratepayer.

I have been astounded by the steady increases in my Ontario hydro bills over the past few years, and am consequently not surprised the province has reportedly the highest rate on the continent. It concerns me that one of the main reasons for these increases is the Ontario government's environmental stewardship program.

I contend that some environmentalists are going overboard in their push to get Canadians off fossil fuels. Considerable work has been done and is being done to make fossil fuel extraction, transport and manufacture safer and more environmentally sound. It would be better to slow down many of the green programs, so they are more economically sustainable, rather than implementing them too fast, as is happening in Ontario.

Part Three - G Conclusion

I agree with Jeffrey Simpson that parallelism is a "re-creation of a long-ago past in modern idiom," which has not met with much success. I do not believe it is entirely the fault of the non-aboriginal community that this has occurred.

In my "Caledonia and Six Nations. . ." post, May 21, 2012, I observed that "many of the best recommendations for improving the aboriginal situation originate with natives who recognize that changing things for the better is a two-way street. They acknowledge that all the blame cannot be placed on non-natives' shoulders."

The "two-way street" individuals are helping to make Canada stronger, each in their own unique way. Some of these talented people may not see themselves as integrationists, or, indeed, want to be classified that way. But their multi-faceted, creative approaches to moving the dialogue forward are a huge improvement over the parallelist spin that frequently shuts down constructive discussion.

Bibliography

Alberta Ombudsman (2016). Administrative Fairness Guidelines. ombudsman.ab.ca

Bains, R. (2015, December 28). First Nations chiefs rewarded for lack of transparency. Toronto Sun: torontosun.com

Best, P. (2016). There is No Difference. nodifference.ca

Black, C. (2016, March 16). Conrad Black: Canada admirably respects other cultures, but we are achingly slow to defend our own. National Post: nationalpost.com

Cairns, A. C. (2000). Citizens Plus. Vancouver: UBC Press.

CBC Radio/Unreserved (2015, December 6). Will truth bring reconciliation? Justice Murray Sinclair says not without education. cbc.ca/abo/unreserved

Coates, K., & Favel, B (2016, May 19). Embrace of UNDRIP can bring aboriginal Canada and Ottawa closer together. Macdonald-Laurier Institute: macdonaldlaurier.ca

Cuthand, D. (2016, May 16). UN Declaration helps forge new relationship. London Free Press: lfpress.com

Daro, I. N. (2016, March 26). Ontario cuts hydro rates for low-income residents, but most households will pay about $137 more per year. National Post: nationalpost.com

Favel, B., & Coates, K. S. (2016, May). Understanding UNDRIP. Macdonald-Laurier Institute: macdonaldlaurier.ca

Gibson, G. (2009). A New Look at Canadian Indian Policy. Fraser Institute.

Helin, C. (2006). Dances With Dependency. Vancouver: Orca Spirit.

Indigenous and Northern Affairs Canada (2013, August 15). Fact Sheet: 2011 National Household Survey: Aboriginal Demographics, Educational Attainment and Labour Market Outcomes. aandc-aadnc.gc.ca

Indigenous and Northern Affairs Canada (2013, October 21). First Nations in Canada. aandc-aadnc.gc.ca

Isaak, A. (2015, October 7). Forcing Indigenous Issues to the Federal Forefront. The Manitoban: themanitoban.com

Kay, B. (2016, March 15). Barbara Kay: Only blind progressives would think naming a scholarship after Mao is a good idea. National Post: nationalpost.com

Lakritz, N. (2015, October 24). Lakritz: Statues the latest victims of political correctness. Calgary Herald: calgaryherald.com

Libin, K. (2016, May 16). Kevin Libin: Ontario's big green assisted suicide plan. National Post: nationalpost.com

MacKay, T. (2016, January 27). Todd MacKey: All politicians must disclose financial information - including First Nations. National Post: nationalpost.com

Murphy, R. (2016, May 20). Leap comes to Ontario with Wynne's new climate change plan. National Post: nationalpost.com

Reilly, J. (2014). Bad Judgment. Alberta: Rocky Mountain Books.

Simpson, J. (2015, April 8). Jeffrey Simpson on Indian Policy: Progress for Aboriginal Peoples Still Haunted by the Past. Macdonald-Laurier Institute: macdonaldlaurier.ca

Steele, D. (2016). CAP to IPAC: What's in a name? Windspeaker: ammsa.com

Travato, F., Abada, T., & Price, J.A. (2015 March 4). Urban migration of Aboriginal Peoples. Canadian Encyclopedia: canadianencyclopedia.ca

Part Two of Three: Why I Think Canadian Aboriginal Integration is Better Than Parallelism or Assimilation - Integration is Already Happening in Many Places

2016-05-25T07:45:00.:00

Part Two - B Problems Rooted in Society as a Whole

One of the common reasons cited by the parallelists as to why they do not want to join the mainstream is because they find it profoundly messed up. And, quite frankly, they have a point. But, as I have said elsewhere on this blog, traditional indigenous societies were not perfect either. Consequently, the parallelists should not claim that replacing one society's values with another's is going to resolve all dysfunction. I think a more effective approach would be to examine what it is about the mainstream that is counterproductive, and then work to change it for the better.

As I explained in my February 11, 2014 counterpoise.ca review of Thomas King's The Inconvenient Indian (2012), "I believe in maintaining a unifying Canadian culture that respects the rights of the individual and upholds the rule of law." But I do think there is some validity to King's contention that North Americans need to find a way to overcome their "irrational addiction to profit."

Sun Tree, October 11, 2015

Calvin Helin also expressed concerns about this irrational addiction to profit in his Dances With Spirits (2014). My February 10, 2015 review of his book can be found elsewhere on this blog, so I will not elaborate here. But, to summarize, he shows how we can transform our society into a more productive one by "finding common ground." I think Helin's approach is more constructive than Thomas King's because Helin explains how we can work together to resolve global issues, rather than playing the "us and them" game that King frequently employs.

As I have explained in other posts on this blog, I have personally witnessed aboriginals being treated in an exploitative and demeaning manner. I know that a lot of this behaviour has to do with preconceived and erroneous attitudes that some non-aboriginals have. But I do not think the answer to dealing with prejudicial attitudes is to play the victim card. More is accomplished when indigenous people educate other races as to how and why these attitudes have occurred, so that they are better informed, rather than blaming everything on colonization.

Part Two - C More Than Half of Indigenous People Live in Urban Areas

Statistics Canada's 2011 National Household Survey found that 56 per cent of aboriginals resided in urban areas. And, according to the 2011 Urban Aboriginal Peoples Study (UAPS), 71 per cent considered the city "home," and 65 per cent really liked living there. In addition, the UAPS found that city-dwelling aboriginals did not feel well-represented by any aboriginal or mainstream organization. Therefore, it is a misnomer for some indigenous spokespeople to give the impression that their demographic is primarily based on reserves.

Moreover, aboriginals generally do better educationally when they live in the city. In January 2016, the C.D. Howe Institute released a study that found only four in 10 on-reserve First Nations youth, in the 20 to 24 age range, had completed high school, compared to seven out of 10 off-reserve. By comparison, nine out of 10 non-aboriginals had done so.

Many aboriginal leaders would argue that the education gap between on-reserve and off-reserve is because of lack of funding for reserve schools, but the study authors, Anderson and Richards, said that was not the only reason. Although the authors agreed that funding had to be improved due to the higher cost of delivering services on-reserve, they contend that other factors also had to be addressed.

Thistles, September 20, 2015

Maclean's columnist, Scott Gilmore, got criticized by some indigenous groups and their supporters when he said reserve isolation frequently contributed to dysfunction. Although he did not advocate the elimination of reserves, he recommended that more funding be allocated to those who choose to leave. He pointed to Statistics Canada data that showed aboriginal people frequently did better if they relocated.

However, another Statistics Canada study found that 62 per cent of non-aboriginals were in good health, compared to 49 per cent of urban aboriginals. Other variables such as housing and mental health also showed that non-aboriginals fared better.

Outcomes in the urban environment clearly need improvement, but the fact remains that city-dwelling indigenous people often do better overall. Regardless of what the statistics tell us, it is up to individual aboriginals to decide what is best for them.

Part Two - D Aboriginals Who Advocate Self-Sufficiency Get Relatively Little Media Attention

There are indigenous people who have made practical recommendations as to how their people can become more self-sufficient. Although considerable progress has been made on some reserves, there is still a lot more that needs to be done.

My view is that progress has mainly been stymied by the relentless factionalism and feuding among aboriginal groups. Prior to European contact, many tribes were in constant conflict with each other. They raided each other's villages and turned captives into slaves. Sometimes one tribe completely annihilated another. But it is politically incorrect to mention this now, even though there is indisputable proof that it happened. Now aboriginal spokespeople often blame the government for any misfortune they encounter. But if some aboriginal leaders spent more time examining what traditionally worked and what did not, they would probably achieve more positive results.

Of course, government policy has substantially contributed to the dysfunction. But even since Prime Minister Justin Trudeau took office in October 2015, with his push to improve the aboriginal situation, the feuding and factionalism continues.

This political bickering also contributes to less one-on-one with successful aboriginals. Chief Clarence Louie of the Osoyoos Band in British Columbia, has been a tireless advocate of economic development and the work ethic. Because his prosperous reserve has more work than band members, it employs aboriginals from 30 different First Nations in other parts of the country. But Louie prefers to stick with the business side of his leadership because he said indigenous politics is rife with "jealousy, hatred and bitterness."

Although Louie has got some media attention, the lion's share of it still goes to the Assembly of First Nations (AFN). It is good that AFN National Chief, Perry Bellegarde, sometimes speaks about the importance of sustainable economic development. But unfortunately, Bellegarde's viewpoint is not always shared by some of the chiefs, who are opposed to most types of development. It is therefore not surprising that Chief Louie rarely attends AFN functions because he thinks the chiefs do not focus enough on economic development.

I am not saying that Chief Louie is promoting integration, but what I am saying is that he has figured out ways to make the mainstream system work in tandem with his reserve. He realized economic development had to come before social and cultural programs, and now all three elements are working well in his community.

Squirrel, October 11, 2015

Part Two - E Intermarriage

The high rate of intermarriage (a.k.a. "marrying out" or out marriage) between aboriginals and non-aboriginals is another factor that needs to be taken into consideration regarding integration. In his book, Citizens Plus, Alan Cairns cited Clatsworthy and Smith's 1992 report in which they estimated that 34 per cent of Status Indians intermarried. For off-reserve Status, they calculated 65 per cent. I agree with Cairns's conclusion that the high rate of intermarriage has led to many shared values.

It was difficult for me to find statistics on intermarriage rates after 1992. But around 2008, Maclean's was able to access an unpublished Indian Affairs document entitled "Registered Indian Population Projections for Canada and Regions, 2004-2029," which found that the rates had increased. Between 1985 and 2004, on-reserve registered Indians had an out marriage rate of 35 per cent, and 70 per cent of registered off-reserve had non-status partners.

Despite my inability to find information on current intermarriage rates, it is nevertheless true that a sizeable percentage of aboriginal leaders and role models have spouses who are non-aboriginal and/or are the offspring of an interracial couple. For instance, Jody Wilson-Raybould and Carey Price are married to non-aboriginals. Wab Kinew and Wilson-Raybould have non-indigenous mothers. Carey Price's father is not indigenous.

Part Two - F Use of Mainstream Services a Reality

Although some aboriginals who follow the parallelism approach believe that only a return to their traditional ways is the route to go, I question how easily they could accomplish this.

My favourite example can be found in a report on a gathering of aboriginal Christians, which took place around 2006. Although those in attendance agreed it was important to recognize the positive aspects of indigenous culture, some of them complained this could be overemphasized. One of the unidentified participants said an "Elder" had told him that everything to do with "European" influence should be done away with. However, the attendee countered he would not want to give up the toilet. As I explained in the "Personal Journey" section of Part One, I had to use a "honey bucket" when I lived in Yellowknife's Old Town in the mid-1970s. You can rest assured I share the participant's view that I would not want to give up the toilet either.

Part Two - G Residential Schools Helped Many Aboriginals to Integrate Better Into Canadian Society

Up until the 1990s, media reporting on the residential schools topic was, in my opinion, much more balanced than it is now. Journalists would interview aboriginals with positive, negative or mixed experiences and report on all three. But now media coverage tends to focus only on the negative.

Dene columnist, Cece Hodgson-McCauley, is one of the few residential school attendees who addresses both the positive and the negative aspects. In a number of her columns for News/North, she has explained the ways her 10 years at the "convent" in Fort Providence benefited her, e.g., she learned knitting, beading, quill work, cooking and baking. She recalled "one nun who was very strict" and another "who made us pray too much." She said during her sister, Muriel Foers's, time at the school, there were problems when the nuns put an older aboriginal girl in charge.

Autumn Trees, October 8, 2015

In her December 21, 2015 column, Hodgson-McCauley complained about the "one-sided" nature of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada report, and said the "real truth" had to "come out." She said the elders "are afraid to speak up and tell the truth," but that the "truth will come out because people are not dumb."

In her May 16, 2016 column, she noted that more people wanted to hear about the good side of the residential schools because there are "two sides to every story." She said she had been getting calls from people "investigating" the good side.

The people who have been investigating the good side have amassed a lot of primary and secondary source material. This material proves the schools frequently helped some attendees to become successful community leaders. They learned self-discipline and how to communicate better with non-aboriginals. They often retained their language and culture. In other words, the residential schools helped some of them to integrate into Canadian society.

Bibliography

Adams, M. & Gosnell-Myers, G. (2013, January 22). Don't forget Canada's urban aboriginals. They're not just passing through. Globe and Mail: globeandmail.com

Akin, D. (2015, June 17). Top chief says focus on job creation. Toronto Sun: torontosun.com

C.D. Howe Institute (2016, January 28). Reform Agenda Needed for Failing First Nations Schools. C.D. Howe Institute: cdhowe.org

Cairns, A.C. (2000). Citizens Plus: Aboriginal People and the Canadian State. Vancouver: UBC Press.

Donnelly, P. (1998, January 26). Scapegoating the Indian residential schools. Alberta Report. Ebsco.

Friesen, J. (2010, April 6). Canada's urban aboriginals feel politically unrepresented, poll finds. Globe and Mail: globeandmail.com

Geddes, J. (2008, July 7). Who are you calling Indian? Maclean's. Canadian Reference Centre.

Gignac, J. (2016, April 12). Study highlights health challenges faced by urban First Nations people. Globe and Mail: globeandmail.com

Gilmore, S. (2016, February 9). Scott Gilmore: the hard truth about remote communities. Maclean's: macleans.ca

Helin, H. (2014). Dances With Spirits: Ancient Wisdom for a Modern World. Los Angeles: Primer Digital.

Hodgson-McCauley, C. (2016, May 16). Lawyers pushed bad side of residential schools. Northern News Services: nnsl.com

Hodgson-McCauley, C. (2015, December 21). Make Daryl Dolynny NWT ombudsman! Northern News Services: nnsl.com

Hodgson-McCauley, C. (2012, December 3). Positive stories from residential school. Northern News Services: nnsl.com

Indigenous and Northern Affairs Canada (2013, October 21). First Nations in Canada. Aboriginal Affairs and Northern Development Canada: aadnc-aandc.gc.ca

King, T. (2012). The Inconvenient Indian. Doubleday Canada.

Morin, B. (2014, August 19). Chief Clarence Louie: The key to the future is building a strong economy. Alberta Native News: albertanativenews.com

Public Safety Canada (2006). A Matter of Faith: a Gathering of Aboriginal Canadians. Public Safety Canada: publicsafety.gc.ca

Simpson, J. (2016, February 12). It takes more than money to close the education gap. Globe and Mail: globeandmail.com

Statistics Canada (2008, January 15). Aboriginal Peoples in Canada in 2006: Inuit, Metis and First Nations, 2006 Census. Statistics Canada: statscan.ca

Part One of Three: Why I Think Canadian Aboriginal Integration is Better Than Parallelism or Assimilation - Overview

2016-05-23T15:53:00.:00

Part One - A Introduction

I realize there are a number of interpretations of aboriginal integration, so I am clarifying at the outset that my recommended version is not the type that advocates assimilation. As I explained in my "Canadian Aboriginal Integration is Better Than Assimilation or Parallelism" post, August 7, 2011, I am in favour of aboriginals maintaining their rights, but also their Canadian citizenship. However, I believe that any rights maintained should not harm aboriginals or non-aboriginals. In other words, I recommend a selective retention of rights. Will explain more about what I mean by "selective retention" in the "Integration" section of Part One.

I also think that any rights upheld should not erode Canadian sovereignty. Will have more to say about this in the "Ordinary Canadians" section of Part Three.

Am dividing up this topic into three separate counterpoise.ca posts as follows:

• Part One of Three - Why I Think Canadian Aboriginal Integration is Better Than Parallelism or Assimilation - Overview

• Part Two of Three - Why I Think Canadian Aboriginal Integration is Better Than Parallelism or Assimilation - Integration is Already Happening in Many Places

• Part Three of Three - Why I Think Canadian Aboriginal Integration is Better Than Parallelism or Assimilation - More People Need to be Involved With Indigenous Policy Decision Making

Part One - B Three Main Policy Viewpoints - My Interpretation

In a number of other posts on this blog, I said I think Canadian aboriginal integration is better than parallelism or assimilation. I agree with a reader of my blog that I need to elaborate on what I mean by this.

Below are my interpretations of the three main policy viewpoints.

Part One - B.1 Parallelism

The Liberal government of Pierre Elliot Trudeau tried to implement the 1969 White Paper, which advocated assimilation, but this concept was rejected by many of the country's aboriginal leaders. Consequently, the White Paper was shelved. For further information on the events before, during and after the White Paper, see my "Canadian Aboriginal Integration is Better Than Assimilation or Parallelism Post," August 7, 2011.

Alan Cairns was the first to use the term parallelism, which he described as "Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal communities travelling side-by-side coexisting but not getting in each other's way." But Cairns is not a proponent of the term that he coined. Parallelism is sometimes portrayed as a two-row wampum, that is, aboriginal and non-aboriginal collectives following separate cultural paths. The preservation of indigenous knowledge is one of the principal self-determining aims of the aboriginal route.

Parallelism is also depicted as either "nation-to-nation" constitutionalism or a third order of government. The 1996 Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples (RCAP) advocated parallelism, as did the 2015 Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada final report executive summary.

Aboriginal leaders frequently talk about sovereignty in connection with their wish for "nation-to-nation" relations with Canada, the provinces and territories, but it is sometimes not clear what they mean by these terms. Are they talking about nation as in operating as a self-sufficient entity within the Canadian federation, or as in operating outside of it? Do they mean sovereignty as in good governance, or as in separate "nations" from Canada?

As I explained in my counterpoise.ca review of Cherokee/Greek Thomas King's The Inconvenient Indian, February 11, 2014, "sovereignty has various interpretations amongst aboriginal groups." I have no problem with aboriginal communities being directly involved with decisions that affect them, but I do not agree with these communities operating outside of the federal, provincial and territorial framework.

Creek from bridge, May 22, 2015

Part One - B.2 Integration

Generally speaking, integration proponents believe it is best for aboriginals to maintain their Canadian citizenship, and to be actively engaged in national discourse. Although many integrationists want to see aboriginal culture preserved, they recognize that sometimes there has to be a partnership or overlap with mainstream Canadian federal, provincial and/or territorial jurisdictions.

Frances Widdowson and Albert Howard summarize integrationism as "inclusion, universality and progress," and contend there are two main versions: liberalism and political economy. They see the liberalism branch as valuing individualism over collectivism. Political economists believe that goods and services should be available to all equally, not just to those with tribal affiliations.

Some analysts believe that assimilation is an extension of the integrationist position, but I see it as distinct. This is because some integrationists think aboriginals have rights over and above other Canadians, such as those enshrined in the Constitution. My view is what separates integrationists from assimilationists is the special rights issue. So I think assimilation needs to be a separate category.

I am of the view that aboriginals should maintain their Constitutional rights, but there needs to be a review of cultural practices that may harm aboriginals or non-aboriginals. If cultural practices are detrimental to either race, then natives should not be able to argue that they have a right to practice for traditional reasons. Two examples of this are bad medicine and the historically negative treatment of women by some tribes. So that is what I mean by selective retention of rights.

In addition, I do not think that indigenous rights should infringe on Canadian constitutional sovereignty. That is why I was concerned with what Gordon Gibson had to say in his analysis of Section 25 of the Charter. He said "if parts of the Charter offend traditional aboriginal practices, those parts of the Charter are not enforceable as against Indian governments." This section needs to be revised to make it clearer that any practices that might infringe on Canadian sovereignty cannot be upheld as constitutionally protected.

Duck spreading wings, October 11, 2015

Part One - B.3 Assimilation

The 1996 Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples Report described assimilation as colonial and Canadian authorities asserting that "European ideas about progress and development were self-evidently correct," and stated that these ideas should not be imposed on aboriginals.

Indigenous and Northern Affairs Canada labelled the 1820-1927 era as "Legislated Assimilation" and 1914-1982 one as "New Perspectives." Even though there were quite a few improvements to aboriginal policy during the latter period, it still included the 1969 White Paper, which many aboriginal leaders considered assimilationist. As previously mentioned, the White Paper was shelved.

It is rarely noted that a third of aboriginals do not identify themselves as such in the federal census. But this needs to be factored into any discussion on aboriginal policy. Yes, it is true that some of these people likely assimilated because of colonial polices, but others felt they were better off joining the mainstream.

In Bad Judgment, John Reilly said that his friend, Austin Tootoosis, a Cree healer, described five levels to assimilation. The first is when aboriginals follow their traditional ways, and are usually in good shape psychologically. Level five is completely assimilated individuals who are usually well mentally. It is levels two through four where difficulties can occur because people have "no real identity or sense of direction."

I agree with Tootoosis that problems can occur as he described. But there are many different outcomes that can result in levels two through four, and some of them may be favourable. For instance, integration can fall into this range.

Part One - C Why My Personal Journey Has Led Me to Conclude That Integration is the Best Option

As I have explained in other posts on this blog, my parents got involved with indigenous issues when I was six, so I grew up with this matter constantly around me. My work in aboriginal organizations, in Southern and Northern Ontario and the Northwest Territories, primarily during the 1975 to 1987 period, has given me a perspective that a lot of people do not share.

My views on this issue have been influenced by four factors. The first is that I felt pressured to carry on my mother's aboriginal involvement after she passed away in 1976. The time period before and after her passing was when some indigenous groups and their "native support" partners were establishing a national presence, e.g., voicing opposition to the Mackenzie Valley Pipeline, due to unsettled land claims. Many of the people my mother had aligned herself with naturally hoped I would carry on where she left off.

But I had numerous concerns about this. In fact, these misgivings were so strong that I told a native support representative that my mother was a "hard act to follow." When I realized that my apprehensions were mostly falling on deaf ears, I tried to mask my self-doubts with an outward "crusader zeal." But this crusader mask only made things worse in the long run.

The second factor was that it was the 1970s, when attitudes were different than they are now. I thought it was better for me to go with the flow, rather than challenge other people's agenda setting for me. I realize now that, in the eyes of some people involved with the "cause," taking this on was a lifetime commitment, but I did not see it that way.

The third is that my personality is totally unsuited to working in the indigenous rights field. I have always been a very opinionated person, and this trait alone increased the odds of my having difficulties. In addition, I have very strong convictions, which frequently put me at loggerheads with some equally strong-willed indigenous people.

Fourth: despite the fact that I had more than a decade of background with aboriginal issues before I started working in the organizations, I now realize it would have been better if I had known more about the historical aspects of the indigenous situation beforehand. If I had known this, it would have been easier for me to comprehend all that I went through. This is why I agree that indigenous history should be included in the K-12 curriculum. But this information needs to be taught in a balanced manner, presenting all sides, not the all-too-common "aboriginals are always right and non-aboriginals are always wrong" narrative.

Nevertheless, I do not want to give the impression my experiences were entirely negative. I have lots of happy memories, such as attending drum dances and stage plays. I also know that many of my late parents' interactions were uplifting for them.

Autumn splendour October 8, 2015

One of the highlights of my work in this area was travelling to remote communities in the Northwest Territories and Northern Ontario, e.g., to provide advice and assistance on band library development. Because airplanes usually only fly in and out of these places once or twice a week, I sometimes stayed for a few days, either in lodges set aside for visitors, or in tents, or in the homes of band librarians who requested my visit. Will never forget the spectacular scenery I saw from bush plane windows. However, I also had some more harrowing adventures, such as a helicopter ride through a blizzard, and a water taxi trip across a turbulent bay.

In addition, I know what it is like to live with few amenities. When my ex-partner and I were in Yellowknife, Northwest Territories, during the 1975-1976 period, we lived in a tent on Long Lake Beach, a few kilometres outside of the city limits. He did not want to pay for a campsite, so we were up on the rocks. Then for about ten months, we lived in a house in Yellowknife's Old Town with no running water, no plumbing, and, for the first three months or so, only plastic covering the windows. Have not forgotten the hassles of using a "honey bucket" for a toilet, and hauling in oil from the road to heat the furnace. Because water was poured into a barrel inside our front door once a week at varying times, we could not lock the door. I really hated having to boil water on the stove to have a sponge bath.

I also realize that reserve water problems are not limited to Canada's north. After taking a shower at one reserve house south of the 60th parallel, I was covered with a rash for quite a few days.

The most profound aspect of my involvement was that a Slavey (Dene) woman contributed substantially to saving my life in 1972. I was suffering from a severe infection that a Toronto doctor claimed was all in my mind. As a result, I regularly popped 292s, and became more and more frail. I was staying with this Slavey woman in Yellowknife, and was supposed to board a plane to the remote community of Fort Simpson. When the taxi driver came to take me to the airport, she took the suitcase out of my hand and gave it to the driver. She said "you're not taking her anywhere but the hospital." I spent three weeks in Yellowknife hospital and almost died. In the early 1980s, I learned this woman had passed away under tragic circumstances.

So, by the mid-1980s, I had learned first-hand (albeit temporarily) how difficult and challenging life can be for indigenous people. But the memories that have been permanently etched in my psyche are those that involve indigenous people reaching out across the racial divide, like the selfless act of the Slavey (Dene) woman in 1972. The memories I would often rather forget were the frequent wranglings over what made us different from each other.

During my years with the organizations, I frequently advocated for separate systems for aboriginal people But even at that time, I harboured inner doubts about this route. These fears were heightened after aboriginal rights were enshrined in the Constitution in the 1980s. From the mid-1980s onwards, I became increasingly disillusioned with the "cause," and I think that constitutional entrenchment played a role in this. It seemed to give some of my aboriginal associates the view that they were racially superior to me.

What also contributed to my angst was that the residential schools issue became more and more the focus of scrutiny from the mid-1980s onwards. I am very much aware of the damage done to many former students by the schools because I worked with quite a few "survivors." But I also found that it occasionally became an excuse for questionable behaviour. For instance, one "survivor," who I had known since the mid-1960s, viciously betrayed me in the late 1980s. When I confronted her about this, she blamed her behaviour on her time at a residential school. But I think her main motivation was that she was angry with me over a political difference of opinion, and consequently spread the falsehood to get revenge.

During the 1976 to 1982 period, I was employed by, or a volunteer for, a number of what at the time were referred to as "native support" programs. This sometimes involved arranging for aboriginal leaders from the north to speak to groups in the south. Frequently the churches initiated and funded these projects. For instance, there was an inter-church group called Project North (Anglican, Lutheran, Mennonite, Presbyterian, Roman Catholic and United Church) that lobbied in support of land claims. In fact, Project North is mentioned in Volume 1 of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada final report as a "concrete expression" of the churches demonstrating cooperation and involvement on aboriginal issues.

That is why it bothers me so much when many residential school "survivors" make it sound like the churches were always their adversaries, when the truth is the churches were sometimes the ones that lobbied the hardest for aboriginal rights to be preserved. For further information on my views about the residential school controversy, see my September 7 and November 6, 2015 posts elsewhere on this blog.

As mentioned earlier, I harboured doubts about the "separate systems" approach to dealing with aboriginal issues. But I did not realize the extent to which national indigenous groups were lobbying to ensure this concept became enshrined in federal government policy.

One of the most prominent examples of this "separate systems" advocacy was the 1996 Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples (RCAP) Report. I did not really analyze this report until the early 2000s. But I realize, now that I have, its overemphasis on parallelism, and under-emphasis on the interconnectedness between aboriginal and non-aboriginal societies, was likely one of the main driving forces behind my increased disillusionment.

Tsimshian author Calvin Helin's Dances With Dependency (2006) helped me to come to grips with another aspect of my discouragement: that many aboriginal communities were overly dependent on government assistance, and that this was negatively impacting community cohesiveness. For more information about Helin's book, and other books by him that had an impact on me, see my February 10, 2015 post.

My reading of Australian anthropologist and linguist, Peter Sutton's, The Politics of Suffering (2011) further cemented my view that some aspects of aboriginal traditions, such as bad medicine, and the abuse of women by some tribes, were best forgotten. See the "Peter Sutton" label in the right sidebar for more information on this.

I realize there were and are many positive developments that have resulted from indigenous people asserting their rights, and exposing the harm done by many aspects of the residential schools. But I feel the attention has swung too far from personal responsibility to identity politics.

Fortunately, there are indigenous people who share a lot of my concerns, and who I keep in touch with. I realize the risks they take are often far greater than mine, because there is so much pressure on them to "toe the party line." But they speak out anyway--kudos to them.

Robin, March 16, 2016

Part One - D Too Much Emphasis Being Placed on the Parallelism Viewpoint

My contention is that all levels of government--federal, provincial, territorial and municipal--frequently place too much emphasis on communicating with the three main indigenous organizations, that is, the Assembly of First Nations (AFN), the Metis National Council (MNC) and the Inuit Tapiriit Kanatami (ITK). This top-level communication means that the focus tends to be on the parallelist viewpoint, particularly in the case of the AFN and the MNC. This post will be concentrating on the AFN's version of parallelism, e.g., when AFN spokespeople talk about "nation-to-nation" dialogue. My overall point is that some on-reserve and urban aboriginals may not agree with this viewpoint.

In my September 5, 2011 post entitled "Aboriginal Issues During the 'Culpability Era,'" I explained that only the chiefs elect the national chief of the Assembly of First Nations (AFN). This is the equivalent of the mayors of cities choosing the prime minister. So it should not be assumed that all reserve residents support what the national chief is doing.

Differences of opinion can also occur regarding on-reserve governance. For instance, some reserve residents have brought public attention to band mismanagement, and have frequently been severely reprimanded for doing so. But as Ojibway writer, Richard Wagamese, rightly pointed out, "there is no colonialism inherent in accountability. . .and there is no besmirching a people's integrity by asking their leadership for honesty."

Another factor to bear in mind is that the Assembly of First Nations (AFN) only represents those First Nations living on-reserve. Yet more than half of aboriginals live in urban areas. Moreover, these city-dwellers may not be as keen on parallelism as their reserve counterparts. The 2010 Urban Aboriginal Peoples Survey (UAPS), found that seven out of 10 were comfortable with their Canadian citizenship. Although these nationalists may not see themselves as integrationists, that may be essentially what they are doing, if they agree with Canada's rights and responsibilities as citizens.

And, as previously mentioned, a third of aboriginals do not self-identify as such in the federal census. So they have chosen the assimilation route. Although I am not necessarily advocating assimiliation, I think this factor has to be taken into consideration.

Consequently, the aboriginals who advocate parallelism may represent less than half of the national indigenous demographic. Despite this, the parallelists receive a disproportionate amount of the media attention. I think the non-parallelist perspectives of the integrationists and assimilationists should be given more weight.

Bibliography

Adams, M. & Gosnell-Myers, G. (2013, January 22). Don't forget Canada's urban aboriginals. They're not just passing through. Globe and Mail: globeandmail.com

Cairns, A.C. (2000). Citizens Plus: Aboriginal People and the Canadian State. Vancouver: UBC Press.

Cairns, A.C. (2005). First Nations and the Canadian State. Kingston: Queen's University.

Gibson, G. (2009). A New Look at Canadian Indian Policy. Fraser Institute.

Government of Canada (2014, July 23). The rights and responsibilities of citizenship. cic.gc.ca

Helin, C. (2006). Dances With Dependency: Indigenous Success Through Self-Reliance. Vancouver: Orca Spirit.

Indigenous and Northern Affairs Canada (2013, October 21). First Nations in Canada. aadnc-aandc.gc.ca

King, T. (2012). The Inconvenient Indian. Doubleday Canada.

Liebsman, H. (2005). In Search of a Postcolonial Theory of Normative Integration: Reflections on A.C. Cairns' Theory of Citizens Plus. 38 (4), 955-976.

Reilly, J. (2014). Bad Judgment. Alberta: Rocky Mountain Books.

Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples (1996). Highlights from the Report of the Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples. Retrieved October 15, 2015 from Aboriginal Affairs and Northern Development Canada: aadnc-aandc.gc.ca

Sutton, P. (2011). The Politics of Suffering: Indigenous Australia and the end of the liberal consensus (2nd ed). Melbourne University.

Travato, F, Abada, R & Price, J.A. (2015, March 4). Urban Migration of Aboriginal Peoples. From Canadian Encyclopedia: canadianencyclopedia.ca

Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada (2015, December). Final Report: Canada's Residential Schools: The History, Part 2, 1939-2000. trc.ca (archived)

Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada (2015, June 2). Honouring the Truth, Reconciling for the Future: Summary of the Final Report. trc.ca (archived)

Wagamese, R. (2015, October 9). Accountability and Band Finances. From First Nations Drum: firstnationsdrum.com

Widdowson, F, & Howard, A. (2013). Approaches to Aboriginal Education in Canada. (Widdowson, F, & Howard, A., ed). Brush Education.

Canadian Indigenous Residential Schools - Counter-Narratives

2015-11-06T08:04:00.:00

Disclaimer: my references to the writings of other people--both indigenous and non-indigenous--do not in any way imply that they share my views on this matter. The opinions expressed here are my own, and do not necessarily represent those of my family, friends or associates.

Note: my definition of counter-narrative is a point of view that challenges what many believe to be true. I contend that the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada (TRC) final report executive summary, which was released June 2, 2015, almost invariably promotes the narrative that "aboriginals are always right, and non-aboriginals are always wrong." But even though this view is widely held by many apologists in Canadian society, I believe it is a fabrication that needs to be questioned. This post is my counter-narrative to this fabrication.

A.        Background Information

About a third of Canadian indigenous children attended government-funded and church-run residential schools from the mid-19th century to 1996. Since the early 1990s, the Canadian public has become increasingly aware of the negative effects these schools had on many of these children. On June 2, 2015, public awareness was heightened yet again by the release of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada (TRC) final report executive summary. My September 7, 2015 counterpoise.ca post is a critique of this summary.

As I explained in my critique, I am very much aware of the harm that resulted from numerous aspects of the residential schools, due to my late parents' and my interactions with quite a few survivors. However, I contend that TRC summary overemphasizes the negative and under-reports the positive. There are aboriginals who graduated from these schools, who went on to lead productive and successful lives, but their stories frequently do not get the attention they deserve in the summary. Most of the accounts mentioned in section B were not included in the summary.

In addition, the media has concentrated on relaying the damaging aspects of the schools. This has reinforced in the minds of the general public that it was an entirely hurtful experience for all the children, even though this was not the case. Yes, it is true that a lot of the material listed below appeared in the media, but these positive or counter-narrative accounts make up a very small percentage of what is disseminated by the press.

There are many non-aboriginal and aboriginal people who worked at the schools, who did the best they could under the circumstances, and who know they are not responsible for any abuses. My compilation includes their stories as well.

I hope that what I have provided serves as a warning to non-aboriginal apologists who think that caving in to every indigenous demand is the way to go. Hundreds of people devoted a great deal of their lives to doing the best they could for the aboriginal children in their care. Despite this, a great percentage of them are being scapegoated.

Until the late 1980s, I was in many respects an apologist for the aboriginal "cause." But then I was falsely accused of having views that I did not. As a result of this devastating experience, I concluded it is better to be honest with indigenous people about the positive and the negative, rather than going along with whatever they want. If one gives in too easily, then he or she could easily get scapegoated, like what happened to me.

Even though I had nothing directly to do with the schools, I understand the frustration being experienced by those who have found their positive accounts are not being given enough attention.

Someone recently told me that he thought emotions were too high to deal with the positive aspects now, and that we would have to endure the "over-heated rhetoric and anger for at least a generation." I disagree with him. The general public has been hearing about the negative aspects of the schools for more than 25 years, yet the rhetoric and anger have not abated very much. I believe this is likely because, as some commentators have pointed out, there is more money to be made from complaining about the residential schools than not.

Have assembled below what I consider to be significant articles that have appeared in the news from 1996 until recently, but it is far from an exhaustive list. Counter-narrative material that is included in my September 7, 2015 counterpoise.ca post, or in other posts on this blog, is not repeated here.

B.    Counter-Narrative Compilation

B.1      1996, December 5. Field, J. Fraser, "The Other Side of the Residential School Question," Catholic Education: catholiceducation.org. Originally appeared in the Vancouver Sun on the same date.

- Field presents a lot of compelling arguments why people should not generalize about the residential schools era.

B.2      1997, February 24. British Columbia Report, "So sorry for abuse, but so reluctant to see success: the Indian industry capitalizes on residential school problems while ignoring achievements," British Columbia Report, 8, 10. Retrieved from ProQuest.

-"[S]ome British Columbians" acknowledge there were abuses at the schools, but contend that "Indians are over-stating the abuse issue in order to further their land-claim demands."

B.3      1998, November 2. McFeely, T., "The great white guilt trip: Fontaine seeks national forum and papal apology to boost residential school abuse payouts," British Columbia Report, 9, 17. Retrieved from ProQuest.

- Roman Catholic priest recognizes there were abuses at the schools, but said the "silent majority" of aboriginals "had positive experiences."

B.4    2006, November. Krotz, Larry, "Who's sorry now? inside the culture of apology," United Church Observer: ucobserver.org.

- [A] "substantial number of. . .people view institutionalized and national apologies with skepticism."

B.5    2007, February 19. Krotz, Larry, "Separate and Unequal," The Walrus: thewalrus.ca.

- "Money for crimes committed at residential schools may be forthcoming, but problems with the reserve system remain."

B.6    2007, December 13. Greenberg, L., "Residential school cheques fuel envy, acrimony on Alberta reserve," CanWest News. Retrieved from ProQuest.

- ". . .the sudden influx of cash payments to former residential school students has prompted a wave of bitterness and recrimination."

B.7    2008, May 7. Wagamese, Richard, "The value of residential schools," Ottawa Citizen. Retrieved from canada.com.

- Wagamese recognizes the "horrendous experiences" at the residential schools "need to see the light of day," so there can be "nationwide healing." But he wants the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada to also relate the positive stories.

B.8    2008, June 11. de Souza, Father Raymond J., "Two sides to the story," National Post: nationalpost.com.

- "To recognize what was wrong does not require ignoring what was right."

B.9    2008, June 11. Sandberg, Don, "Residential Schools Propaganda?" Frontier Centre for Public Policy: fcpp.org.

- ". . .even those who did not actually attend residential schools blame all of their social ills on the aboriginal residential school era."

B.10 2009. Sutton, Peter, The Politics of Suffering: Indigenous Australia and the end of the liberal consensus. Victoria, Australia: Melbourne University Press. New edition published in 2011.

- Since 1969, Sutton has worked as an anthropologist and linguist with Australian Aborigines. I share many of the concerns he raises in this book. In his chapter entitled, "On Feeling Reconciled," he questions the value of "formal, legal, bureaucratized Reconciliation between Indigenous and non-Indigenous Australians." He thinks that reconciliation is more effective when it is a "personal and interpretive journey."

B.11 2009. Gibson, Gordon, A New Look at Canadian Indian Policy: Respect the Collective--Promote the Individual. Fraser Institute.

- On pages 145-147 of this book, Gibson critiques many of the articles in the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP). The Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada (TRC) final report executive summary promotes the implementation of UNDRIP, but I share many of the concerns that Gibson raises about it.

B.12 2009, March 3. Winnipeg Free Press, "Residential school survivor hikes mission donation to $50,000," winnipegfreepress.com.

- William Woodford donated $50,000 of his residential school settlement money to the Siloam Mission, a Winnipeg homeless shelter.

B.13 2009, June 17. White, Patrick, "Healing comes full circle," Globe and Mail: globeandmail.com.

- Residential school survivor, Edward Gamblin, thanked his Grade 3 residential school teacher, Florence Kaefer. He said her class was "place of refuge" and that "[s]he was a good teacher."

- This positive account is included in the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada (TRC) final report executive summary.

B.14     2009, October 1. Hill, Angela, "Remembering and healing," Prince Albert Daily Herald: paherald.ca.

- Mental-health expert, Austin Tootoosis, feels survivors need to let go of their anger and work for the benefit of the "community at large."

B.15 2010, July 9. Sandberg, Don, "It's Time to Focus on Healing," Frontier Centre for Public Policy: fcpp.org. This article also appeared in the Winnipeg Free Press on the same date.

- "Promotion of the negative through the past 20-some years has led many aboriginals to blame the residential schools for all of life's hardships and miseries. . .but we are responsible for who we ultimately become."

B.16 2010, November. Narine, Shari, "TRC takes criticism on the chin," Windspeaker: ammsa.com/publications/windspeaker. Retrieved from ProQuest.

- Conservative Senator Carolyn Stewart-Olsen said an "international approach" was not included in the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada (TRC) mandate, so the TRC should be spending less time on that and more on "this particular initiative."

B.17 2010, December 21. Williams, Garrett, "Woman honoured for positive impact on residential school," Kenora Daily Miner and News: kenoradailyminerandnews.com.

- Rena Martinson and her reverend husband John were in charge of an Anglican residential school in Fort George, Quebec, for six years in the 1950s. Martinson "left a positive and lasting impression" on the community.

B.18 2011, May 19. Clifton, Rodney, "Some Other Truths about Indian Residential Schools," C2C Journal: c2cjournal.ca.

- Clifton worked at a residential school, and his Blackfoot wife attended one for 10 years. "[N]either she nor her parents lost their language. . ."

B.19 2011, July 14. Sison, Marites N. "Mixed experiences at Indian residential school," Anglican Journal: anglicanjournalcom.

- Anglican Bishop Lydia Mamakwa, attended the Poplar Hill School in northwestern Ontario, where she had "more good than bad" experiences.

B.20     2012, June 21. Sims, Jane, "Sharing a sombre legacy," London Free Press: lfpress.com.

- Article includes statements by eight residential school students who attended Mount Elgin School, in southwestern Ontario. Four of the eight reported having more positive than negative memories.

B.21 2013. Wagamese, Richard, "Returning to Harmony," speakingmytruth.ca.

- Wagamese describes himself as "an intergenerational victim" whose immediate and extended family all attended residential schools. In his 2008 Ottawa Citizen article, he wrote about his mother's positive experiences. However, in this essay, he said she still "carried wounds that she could not voice." In his 40s, Wagamese decided to stop blaming the schools for his addiction and anger. For "many weeks," he attended a United Church service, and "found peace with churches, and, in turn, residential schools, with Canada." He said he hoped the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada hears more stories like his.

B.22 2013, September 30. DeLaurentiis Johnson, Julia, "In conversation with Tomson Highway," Maclean's: macleans.ca.

- Highway said he was "part of the first wave of native writers" who had political correctness forced upon them. But he thinks the "next wave of native playwrights should be afforded the freedom to let their imaginations fly." He contends that being politically incorrect is "essential for art." Although Highway was not addressing the residential schools issue directly in this quote, I think any creative person would be wise to heed his advice.

B.23     2014, January 11. Russell, Paul, "Paul Russell: Could it be that residential schools weren't all bad?" National Post: nationalpost.com.

- Russell said that most of the letters to the editor received by the National Post "argue that the schools have been unfairly portrayed in the media."

B.24 2014, February 28. Argan, Glen, "Oblates, TRC offer radically different views of history," Western Catholic Reporter: wcr.ab.ca.

- In October 2013, Ronald Niezen published a book about the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada (TRC) entitled Truth and Indignation. He said the TRC focussed on "emotional trauma," which tended to draw attention away from "survivors' stories which do not stir emotional responses." It also tended to exclude testimony from religious staff who worked at the schools.

B.25 2014, March 27. Wittmeir, Brent, "Hearings to 'lay bare the soul of the nation,' truth and reconciliation chairman says," Edmonton Journal: edmontonjournal.com.

- Truth and Indignation author, Ron Niezen, worries that the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada "will deepen the chasm between sufferer and perpetrator, accuser and accused, affirmed and excluded."

B.26 2015, June 7. McKay, Donald, "Unworkable demands," [Letter to editor], Calgary Sun: calgarysun.com.

- McKay said the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada (TRC) summary "missed a great opportunity to make meaningful recommendations. . ." He thinks the TRC should have recommended that aboriginals separate their governance structure into two organizations: one responsible for preserving the culture, and the other for operating institutions such as health and education.

B.27 2015, July 8. Cooper, Barry, "Cooper: Residential school report won't bring reconciliation," Calgary Herald: calgaryherald.com.

- Cooper complains that the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada (TRC) summary is "[b]adly deficient in terms of evidence, context and logic, riddled with cliches and factual errors, the result brims with half-truths."

B.28 2015, July 10. Meadows, Lea, "Honour the truth about schools," [Letter to editor], Calgary Herald: calgaryherald.com.

- This letter was in response to Cooper's July 8, 2015 opinion piece listed above. She said "I agree with Barry Cooper that the TRC report does not honour the truth because it does not reflect all residential school students' experiences--like my mother's and grandmother's."

B.29 2015, November 1. CBC Radio/Unreserved, "Tomson Highway finds inspiration in one woman's musical laugh," cbc.ca/radio/unreserved.

- Highway talks about his autobiography, which is coming out in 15-year instalments. His first 15 years is scheduled to be released first, and will discuss the beneficial aspects of his nine years at a residential school.

B.30     2015, November 5. Globe and Mail [editorial], "A pitfall or two on the road to reconciliation with First Nations," globeandmail.com.

- This editorial raises concerns about the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada (TRC) final report executive summary's push to implement the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP). I agree with this editorial that it would be problematic if the Canadian government allowed UNDRIP to become a legally binding document.

Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada (TRC) Final Report Executive Summary, 2015 - Critique

2015-09-07T18:24:00.:00

Branch near creek, London, Ontario, May 29, 2015

B. My Background With Indigenous Issues

From 1975 to 1987, I worked primarily in native organizations in Southern and Northern Ontario and the Northwest Territories. Quite a few of the people I worked with were residential school survivors, and I sometimes heard stories from them about the abuse they had suffered.

I was, however, also aware of this issue much earlier, due to the fact that my parents, Jay Peterson (1920-1976), and Charles T. Peterson (1913-2007), got involved with aboriginal issues in 1958, when I was six. From the mid-1960s onwards, survivors sometimes told me harrowing anecdotes, such as getting the hair on their heads shaved off if they spoke in their native language.

I have a one-page university program admission questionnaire, across which an aboriginal woman wrote that she refused "to be part of an apparatus" that was damaging her people She closed with what she thought the program really thought of her: the number she had been assigned at residential school. Although it is undated, I believe she wrote it in the late 1960s. Am assuming because it is in my mother's files that she gave it to my mother.

But a greater percentage of my mother's aboriginal files contain positive material, such as photos and news clippings of craftspeople either displaying their artistry, or of the crafts themselves. This is because my mother was impressed by the creative ability of many indigenous peoples. She frequently visited reserves, and I sometimes accompanied her. She bought crafts, brought the items back to town, sold them, returned to the reserve, and gave the money to the creators. A Chippewa woman, now deceased, recounted how my mother would arrive on the reserve "with the grease from the roads in her hair."

In addition, my mother arranged for artisans to come to London, Ontario, to demonstrate or sell their crafts, e.g., when she was on the board of the Western Fair Association. As a result of her enthusiasm, I developed a deep appreciation for native people's creative abilities. I treasure the many types of aboriginal art I have in my home, some of which originally belonged to her.

It is therefore not surprising that the parts of the TRC summary that upset me the most were the ones that chronicled how aboriginal clothing and other cultural symbols were thrown in the garbage or otherwise disparaged [e.g., p. 44, 86]. In fact, there were numerous times when I broke down and wept in horror. Of course, I was also upset by the many other examples of mistreatment. But I sense the actual destruction of cultural property must have dealt a particularly disastrous blow.

Horse Chestnut flowers, May 29, 2015

C. Maria Campbell's Input Not Covered in Summary

Although there are a number of references in the report to the 2014 Traditional Keepers Forum, which was held at the University of Manitoba, there is no mention of input from Metis author Maria Campbell. She had recently done research regarding violence against aboriginal women going back to the 1600s (Trudeau Fellow, 2010). She contended it was the "role of the commission" to look into the way aboriginal men have contributed to the violence. She recommended that men take action at the community level, and there be less focus on expecting government to solve the problems.

One of the TRC commissioners, Marie Wilson, told Campbell that she honoured her outrage and the challenge it presented to the men.

I was really glad to read this, and was looking forward to seeing Campbell's views covered in the summary. Alas, there was no mention of what she said at all. Indeed, there is no discussion of any traditional factors that might lead some aboriginal men to become violent towards women, even though it is well-documented that a few tribes historically did not always treat their women with respect. Since one of the recommendations is for an inquiry into missing and murdered aboriginal women and girls [p. 224; Rec. 41 i)], I found this omission particularly disasppointing.

The TRC report gives the impression that life before colonization was idyllic, when the truth is that, yes, it was better in many ways than modern times, but there was inter-tribal warfare, even the annihilation of one tribe by another. It think it is important for aboriginals to consider how their occasionally violent past might be contributing to some of their difficulties. For instance, some regional conflicts stem from historical battles. Fortunately, many tribes recognize this and are addressing the matter.

A lot of aboriginals are asking non-aboriginals to stretch their way of looking at the world, to accommodate a broader range of possibilities, and I suggest the reverse should also take place. Although it was certainly wrong that some non-natives banned native cultural practices, perhaps there are a few that are best forgotten.

D. TRC Recommendations Worth Implementing

I agree with Macdonald-Laurier Institute Senior Fellow, Ken Coates, that a lot of the TRC recommendations hinge too much on "a government-driven system of new programs," and that more focus should be placed on "aboriginal-led solutions." I also concur with him that there needs to be more focus on aboriginal groups and governments looking at which recommendations are the most urgent, and then moving forward to implement them.

Some of the 94 (frequently multi-part) recommendations are reasonable, such as bringing on-reserve education funding up to the equivalent spent on non-aboriginals [p. 193-196; Rec. 8].

Incorporating "age-appropriate" information on the history of the residential schools into Kindergarten to Grade 12 curriculum is also a good idea [p. 285-290; Rec. 62 i)]. But this information needs to be balanced, presenting both the positive and negative of the schools.

Waiving the costs for those survivors who were forced to change their names [p. 205; Rec. 17], and the chief coroners releasing the records for children who died while at the schools [p. 309-310; Rec. 71] are excellent recommendations.

In addition, it is admirable that the TRC held a number of National Event Education Days and Youth Dialogues, and that some of the participants produced materials, like a documentary video, that can be used for educational purposes. It is also encouraging that there is a recommendation for regular federal funding for "community-based youth organizations" [p. 294-296; Rec. 66].

Nevertheless, aboriginal youth leaders have complained that some indigenous organizations do not take them seriously, and that funding allocated to them is often the first to go. So the question is, could this happen to "Youth Programs - Recommendation 66" in the TRC summary?

Horse Chestnut, London, Ontario, May 29, 2015

E. Positive Accounts That Are Not Covered in the Summary

One aboriginal who is not mentioned in the summary, although she has written about her residential schools experiences for decades, is 93-year old, honorary lifetime Dene chief, Cece Hodgson-McCauley. This feisty News/North columnist has described her 10 years at the Catholic convent in Fort Providence, Northwest Territories, as the best years of her life.

In her July 13, 2015 column, she said a youth group is "questioning this whole residential school thing. You can't fool everybody."

On August 3, 2015, she added that the "silent majority" is "waking up and asking questions. Not only the majority at large, but elders who went through residential school but were afraid to speak during the seven years the [TRC] was researching. . .You just watch. If the government thinks the Truth and Reconciliation Commission is a done deal, it will have a rude awakening!"

Cree playwright, Tomson Highway's novel, Kiss of the Fur Queen (1998), which deals with his time at a residential school, is referred to on p. 329 of the summary. But there is no mention of the fact, that when questioned about that time of his life during a 2013 interview, he said he believed in dwelling in the present and the future. He also said he became trilingiual and learned to play the piano because of the school.

In addition, there is no mention of Highway's website (tomsonhighway.com), on which he says he will speak about "'memoirs of a successful Native residential school survivor.' Or how I learned to stop complaining and celebrate my life."

Gwich'in PhD candidate, Crystal Fraser and Ian Mosby, a McMaster University Postdoctoral fellow, contend that most survivors did well "in spite of," not because of, the schools. They believe further research is required regarding this topic. I agree that further study is required, but more focus needs to be placed on why quite a few survivors have done so well, and/or have positive memories of the schools.

Dandelion seed head, London, Ontario, May 29, 2015

F. The Residential Schools Era Was Complex

The late Rev. James Edward (Ted) DeWolf was Principal of the St. Paul's Indian Residential School at the Kainai First Nation on the Blood Reserve in Southern Alberta, from 1953 to 1963. His wife, two daughters and son accompanied him, and the children attended the school. St. Paul's classes only went up to Grade 6.

Starting in Grade 7, son, Mark DeWolf, rode the bus every school day with the other Kainai students into Cardston, to attend the junior high there. The rest of his family relocated, in 1963, to LaTuque, Quebec, where his father took over administration of another residential school. Mark lived with a family in Cardston, in 1964, while completing his secondary education.

In 2011, Mark made a submission to the TRC [excerpt on p. 324-325] regarding the ways he interacted as a "little white boy," from the age of six to 16, with his aboriginal comrades (classes, lunchtimes, recesses, sports and recreation). He learned from the native students how their land and life had been "taken away from them." But he also explained some of the ways his father "worked within the system to try and make it a better one."

DeWolf is now a retired Halifax educator, who is writing a memoir about his childhood on the reserve. Although he is very aware of the failings of the IRS system and the harm it inflicted, he thinks people have to better understand how complex it was. He said:

"There is nothing simple about the story of Canada's Indian Residential Schools (IRS). For one thing, the IRS system underwent considerable change during its 147-year history, with fluctuations in its size and influence. Beginning as a collection of industrial schools and later transformed to a residential school model, it began as one solitary school in 1849, grew to a maximum of 80 schools in the 1930s, then shrank again until the last one closed in 1996. At different times, the system operated under quite different mandates, policies and funding practices.

Different religious organizations from a number of Christian denominations provided staffing and funding, and the schools served many different native communities in quite different ways. Individual schools saw very different teachers, counsellors, and administrators come and go, and Canadian attitudes towards aboriginal people evolved. Over time, some schools came to resemble less the Dickensian workhouse and more the regular boarding school. . .

But. . .the general public knows little of this complexity. Long, complicated stories, filled with details that confuse rather than inform, do not easily attract readers. What finds its way into the public consciousness is an encapsulated version, often focusing on the more sensational aspects: helpless young people tormented physically and sexually, the sometimes brutal repression of vital native culture, and the misery of children torn from the arms of their parents by Indian agents or RCMP constables. . .The frequent repetition of such sensational stories. . .builds a belief in the minds of Canadians that they are plain and simple fact.

Simple, yes. Fact, not so much. . .The facts show that [abuses] happened much less frequently than is commonly believed, and arguably had much less effect on First Nations communities than has been confidently stated. The "accepted facts" routinely included in widely disseminated media reports are helping to create a convenient myth.

. . .Far more significant factors have created--and perpetuate--the many problems facing First Nations people today [such as]. . .underfunding of native education generally, the government's repeated failure to observe treaty obligations, and a variety of misguided federal policies."

One of the "convenient myths" is that aboriginal people lost their language because of the schools. However, the 2002-2003 First Nations Regional Longitudinal Health Survey found that 69.7% of residential school survivors spoke one or more aboriginal languages, and 74.8% could understand one or more.

The survey authors thought this might be partly due to the resilience of the students, e.g., speaking secretly to each other in their language. This resilience factor gives weight to the Fraser/Mosby contention that survivors did well in spite of, not because of, the schools.

Tree stump, London, Ontario, August 7, 2015

However, historian J.R. Miller, has concluded from his research that "well into the twentieth century, most missionary bodies did not agree with the government's desire for a complete ban on the use of Native languages." Church officials frequently disobeyed what the government was trying to impose. Miller points out that "it was in the praying and working areas of the schools, rather than the classrooms, that Native languages were most likely to be heard, especially when the supervisors themselves were Native people."

In addition, Miller has found that English was frequently the "linguistic common denominator" language for schools that had "ethnically diverse" students from tribes who spoke different dialects.

Further, DeWolf has determined from his research that a "surprisingly large percentage of native people received no formal education at all" during the 1849-1996 period. Two of the reasons for this were a shortage of schools and high rates of absenteeism. Miller has arrived at similar conclusions.

Miller has also concluded that "the conventional role of the residential school fails to note that the system never reached more than a minority of young Indians and Inuit." It is estimated that approximately one-third of aboriginal children attended residential schools. Others attended day schools, provincial schools, or no schools at all.

Branch across path, London, Ontario, May 22, 2015

G. Information About Deceased People Sometimes Presented in a Misleading Way

Sometimes information about a deceased person is presented in a misleading way. For instance, the summary quotes what Oblate priest, Father Andre Renaud (1919-1988), said in a 1958 article, about separating aboriginal students from their culture [p. 5]. But it fails to note that Renaud's opinion changed just a few years later. In 1961, he launched a summer course to help Indian teachers promote cultural pride in their children. In addition, he helped the Federation of Saskatchewan Indians secure a location for the Saskatchewan Indian Cultural College.

Furthermore, the "estate and friends" of Renaud established a scholarship. Eligibility involves aboriginal education and "applicants should have experience with indigenous languages." Renaud is described in the online scholarship information as an individual who "dedicated his life to the education of indigenous people in Canada and throughout the world." He is also remembered in glowing terms in the entry for him on the Encyclopedia of Saskatchewan website, which notes he was "invested as an Officer of the Order of Canada in 1973."

There is no personal reason why I am highlighting the TRC's coverage of Renaud here. I do not believe I ever met him. However, my mother was a member of the Indian-Eskimo Association (IEA) at the same time he was also involved (ca. 1964-1968), so she likely knew him. In fact, I have some of my mother's IEA files, which include a 1964 presentation he made to the IEA Ontario Division, regarding curriculum development for Saskatchewan aboriginals.

Misleading information in the summary also includes not acknowledging non-aboriginal contributions to cultural practices. On p. 85, there is a reference to a student being punished for writing in "Cree syllabics at the Fort Albany school." But it is not mentioned that a Methodist missionary named James Evans (1801-1846) helped popularize the use of this writing method. Some Crees believe Evans did not invent syllabics, as is widely claimed. They contend that syllabics were around long before Evans got involved, and his contribution was to turn the symbols into a writing system. Nevertheless, "many Cree people" believe "Evans deserves credit" for increasing Cree literacy through his translating and printing initiatives.

Selwyn Dewdney (1909-1979) "pioneered the study of Amerindian rock paintings and carvings in Canada. . .[He] came to know and respect the native peoples of Canada." When he was a teenager, Dewdney accompanied his Anglican priest father on a portage through remote Northern Ontario communities. Three Cree "veteran canoemen" and "devout churchmen" each carried "a dog-eared prayer book in Cree syllabics." Every evening, the travellers held a brief prayer session, which included Selwyn's father reading the Lord's Prayer in Cree.

Sumac, London, Ontario, August 7, 2015

H. TRC Authors Favour Parallelism Approach, But I Think Integration is Better

I contend there are three major positions on aboriginal policy: parallelist, integrationist and assimilationist. I am in favour of the integrationist approach. For further information on my views on this, you can refer to my August 7, 2011 post entitled "Canadian Aboriginal Integration is Better Than Assimilation or Parallelism," which can be found elsewhere on this blog.

Alan Cairns was the first to use the term parallelism, which he described as "Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal communities, travelling side by side coexisting but not getting in each other's way." But Cairns is not a proponent of the term that he coined.

The TRC authors are clearly proponents of parallelism, as were the authors of the 1996 report they frequently cite: the Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples (RCAP). RCAP advised that aboriginals be allowed to establish a third order of government.

I totally understand why many aboriginal reserve leaders want more control over what they do at the community level. For more information on my views on this, see Sections D.2 and E.2 of my February 11, 2014 post on Thomas King's The Inconvenient Indian, which can be found elsewhere on this blog. However, I think it is a gross generalization for the TRC authors to give the impression that all aboriginals agree with the parallelist viewpoint.

The TRC authors also frequently make sweeping generalizations about what aboriginal people think and feel. For instance, they say "[d]espite being subjected to aggressive assimilation policies for nearly 200 years, Aboriginal people have maintained their identity and communities" [p. 134]. But they, as did the RCAP authors, fail to note that a third of aboriginals do not even identify themselves as such in the federal census. Yes, it is very true that some aboriginal people assimilated because of colonial policies, but others have willingly chosen to blend into Canadian society as a whole.

I. Conclusion: "Caring Measures" More Important Than "Stratospheric Rights"

The report's overarching agenda is to justify why aboriginal and treaty rights need to be strengthened, including in terms of the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP). But I am not convinced that, even if all these rights were implemented, that the aboriginal situation would substantially improve.

Australian anthropologist and linguist, Peter Sutton, has more than 40 years experience with the Aborigines in Australia. His book, The Politics of Suffering: Indigenous Australia and the end of the liberal consensus (2009, 2011), is filled with many insights that I share. Marcia Langton, the Aborigine scholar who penned a foreword to the book, echoes his concerns.

Sutton complains that too many politicians, lawyers and activists insist that Aborigines will not be truly happy and fulfilled until all outstanding issues, such as social justice, treaty and reconciliation, have been met. He responds with "[t]his unscientific mumbo-jumbo beggars belief. . .Caring measures. . .rather than documentary measures based on increasingly stratospheric rights. . .lie at the effective end of realistic processes for improvement."

In my opinion, the TRC summary spends too much time on documentary measures, and not enough on caring ones. Yes, it was caring for the commission to hear the testimonies of thousands of survivors. But the lessons from these frequently painful accounts need to be translated into more than a blueprint for "stratospheric rights," particularly since not all Canadian aboriginals, and not all those who were involved with the schools, are on the same page as the TRC.

Bibliography

Cairns, A.C. (2000). Citizens Plus: Aboriginal Peoples and the Canadian State. Vancouver: UBC Press.

Cairns, A.C. (2005). First Nations and the Canadian State: In Search of Coexistence. Kingston, ON: Queen's University.

CBC Radio/New Fire. (2015, September 1). Season Finale: Political Panel. Retrieved from cbc.ca/radio/newfire

Coates, K. (2015, July 31). Five Priorities for Aboriginal Canada in Election 2015. Retrieved from Macdonald-Laurier Institute: macdonaldlaurier.ca

Coates, K. (2015, July 17). Premiers' Embrace of Aboriginal Issues Has Been a Long Time Coming. Retrieved from Huffington Post: huffingtonpost.ca

Coates, K. (2015, June 3). Real Truth and Reconciliation Requires Aboriginal-Led Solutions - Not Governments. Retrieved from Macdonald-Laurier Institute: macdonaldlaurier.ca

Cree Literacy Network (n.d.). Another Version of Cree Literacy: the Cree Story of Syllabics. Retrieved July 28, 2015 from Cree Literacy: creeliteracy.org

Dewdney, S. (1997). Daylight in the Swamp: Memoirs of Selwyn Dewdney (A.K. Dewdney, Ed.) Toronto: Dundurn.

DeWolf, M. (ca. 2014). Myth Versus Evidence: Your Choice (unpublished).

DeWolf, M. (2011, October 28). Submission to the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada. Halifax, Nova Scotia.

Eigenbrod, R., Kakegamic, G. & Fiddler, J. (2003). Aboriginal Literature in Canada: A Teachers' Resource Guide. Retrieved from currciulum.org

Fayant, G. (2015, February 9). Gabriel Fayant: Native youth claim their future through technology. Retrieved from Globe and Mail: globeandmail.com

First Nations Centre (2005, November). First Nations Regional Longitudinal Health Survey (RHS). Retrieved from National Aboriginal Health Organization: naho.ca

Fraser, C, & Mosby, I. (2015, April 7). Setting Canadian History Right? A Response to Ken Coates' 'Second Thoughts About Residential Schools'. Retrieved from Active History: activehistory.ca

Hodgson-McCauley, C. (2015, July 13). Assembly of First Nations needs to listen to youth. Retrieved from Northern News Service: nnsl.com

Hodgson-McCauley, C. (2015, August 3). I liked residential school. Retrieved from Northern News Service: nnsl.com

Hodgson-McCauley, C. (2012, December 3). Positive stories from residential schools. Retrieved from Northern News Service: nnsl.com

Hutchinson, G.M. (1988). Evans, James. Retrieved July 2, 2015 from Dictionary of Canadian Biography: biography.ca

Lederman, M. (2013, October 21). Playwrights Tomson Highway and Michel Tremblay talk politics, religion and perspective. Retrieved from Globe and Mail: globeandmail.com

Miller, J.R. (2004). Owen Glendower, Hotspur and Canadian Indian Policy. In J.R. Miller Reflections on Native-Newcomer Relations: Selected Essays.

Miller, J.R. (2004). The State, the Church and Indian Residential Schools. In J.R. Miller Reflections on Native-Newcomer Relations: Selected Essays.

Stonechild, B. (2006). The New Buffalo: The Struggle for Aboriginal Post-Secondary Education. Winnipeg: University of Manitoba Press.

Sutton, P. (2011). The Politics of Suffering: Indigenous Australia and the end of the liberal consensus. Victoria, Australia: Melbourne University.

University of Manitoba (2014, July 24). Traditional Knowledge Keepers: "Now is about restoring'. Retrieved from University of Manitoba/UM Today: news.umanitoba.ca

University of Manitoba (2014, July 24). What is the good path to healing and reconciliation? Retrieved from University of Manitoba/UM Today: news.umanitoba.ca

University of Regina (n.d.) Renaud, Andre (1919-88). Retrieved July 2, 2015 from Encyclopedia of Saskatchewan: esask.uregina.ca

University of Saskatchewan. College of Education (n.d.). Andre Renaud Memorial Scholarships. Retrieved July 2, 2015 from usask.ca

Vowel, C. (2015, June 9). Read the Truth and Reconciliation Report Before You Form An Opinion. Retrieved from Huffington Post: huffingtonpost.ca

Wiart, N. (2015, June 23. Crowd-sourced video project aims to make the TRC report more accessible. Retrieved from cbc.ca/news/aboriginal

Winnipeg Free Press (2015, June 2). Truth and Reconciliation: Q&A: History of residential schools. Retrieved from winnipegfreepress.com

My Custom Domain, www.counterpoise.ca, is the Way to Locate This Site

2015-04-08T10:59:00.:00

As of today, April 8, 2015, my custom domain, which is, www.counterpoise.ca, will be the way to locate this site.

Traffic to my blogspot url:

counterpoise2.blogspot.com, or counterpoise2.blogspot.ca

will be redirected to:

www.counterpoise.ca

A Review of Calvin Helin's Dances With Spirits: Ancient Wisdom for a Modern World

2015-02-10T12:54:00.:00

Calvin Helin is a "member of the Tsimshian Nation," and is originally from the community of Lax Kw'alaams, which is on the Northwest coast of the province of British Columbia, in Canada. Now he lives in Vancouver, which is a city in the southern part of the same province. He is "the son of a hereditary chief," and an "entrepreneur, lawyer and best-selling author."

His book, Dances With Spirits: Ancient Wisdom for a Modern World (2014), "guides readers in applying ancient wisdom for a better understanding of today's complex modern world. Millions crave spiritual fulfillment in a time of broken social relations. Yet most are confused as to why their deepest yearnings for meaning and a kinder, gentler way of life are becoming more distant. . ."

". . .We live in a skewed society, focused on technology and money. Through understanding our true nature, a better existence can be created."

Before I start my Dances With Spirits review, I will briefly discuss two of Helin's other books, which I have also read.

View from bridge, London, Ontario, May 25, 2014

A. Dances With Dependency: Indigenous Success Through Self-Reliance (2006)

In Dances With Dependency, Helin argues that "[t]he current governance system is not only antiquated, but politically disempowers a substantial portion of the indigenous population, concentrates power and financial resources in the hands of a few elites, provides for painfully poor political and financial accountability and transparency, and continues to encourage a culture of dependency" (259-260). He concludes that "simply throwing money at the problem will never lead to a long-term solution and may actually be exacerbating existing struggles. Aboriginal people need a new generation of ethical leadership. . .with the courage to take the real action necessary for a brighter future" (265).

When I read this book in 2007, I was happy to learn that an aboriginal person shared my (non-aboriginal) view that the current "system" sometimes does more harm than good. I was also pleased that he stressed the importance of self-reliance.

I assumed that, because he is an indigenous person, he probably had no trouble getting the book published. So I was surprised to learn, in 2011, that he got 32 rejection letters for his Dances With Dependency manuscript. Publishers told him they thought the aboriginal leadership would be offended because he "touched on reserve corruption." Consequently, he borrowed $100,000 and published it himself. He said in a 2010 interview that the majority of people who purchased the book were "grassroots" indigenous people. When asked what the aboriginal leaders thought of his ideas, he responded that some shared his concerns, but others "wished he was at the bottom of a lake." Regardless, the book is a bestseller seven times over.

In some of the previous posts on this blog, I have spoken about the different ways I became disillusioned with the aboriginal situation, and the fact that, since about the mid-2000s, I have primarily been on the outside looking in.

Fortunately, there are a growing number of aboriginals, like Helin, who are striving to not only improve the situation for their people, but also to help educate the non-aboriginal population about how we can all constructively move forward. I always enjoy reading the stories of these courageous reformers. I know from personal experience that it is hard for anyone to question the "elites" and the "system," so I recognize how brave they are.

Naturalized area in London, Ontario, September 19, 2014

B.          The Empowerment Mindset: Success Through Self-Knowledge (2012)

The target audience for Dances With Dependency was the aboriginal population. But The Empowerment Mindset is addressed to everyone, regardless of race. Helin's travels through life made him realize that "negative emotions and toxic thoughts" were holding back not only aboriginal, but also non-aboriginal, people. In this book, he provides recommendations to help people find "constructive and fulfilling ways to attain success and happiness" (15). He lists 10 "Laws of Empowerment" such as the importance of "hard work and sustained effort," and the need to adhere to a "strategic plan."

This book helped me to counter my own "mental and emotional sabotage" and to become more focussed on fulfilling my goals.

C.          Dances With Spirits: Ancient Wisdom for a Modern World (2014)

Dances With Spirits, like The Empowerment Mindset, is written for everyone. The book helped me understand better why historically and currently some indigenous people are reluctant to assimilate into mainstream society. Although Helin acknowledges that many aspects of mainstream thought can be positive, he feels there needs to be more balance and perspective.

The book is divided into three parts, which I will discuss below. However, I have only included topics from each part that are particularly interesting to me, so it is not an exhaustive compilation. After each topic, I have included "personal observations" as to how the topic relates to me.

C.1        Part I - When Myths Make a Mess

This part of the book "examines the structure of our current economic model and its economic, social, psychological, and spiritual impacts" (xxv).

C.1.1      Vicious Cycle of Consumption

Helin argues that advertising and marketing make people think "the only route to happiness is to consume ever more stuff" (9). He says the Gross Domestic Product (GDP) "is deeply flawed because it is based on consumption by the population, rather than a broad range of aspects that reflect national well-being" (10).

Personal observations: My father, Charles T. Peterson (1913-2007), frequently warned me and others that our possessions could kill us. As my first cousin's partner, Jim McClocklin, said at my father's funeral: "Uncle Chuck knew that life was not about things--life is about developing relationships and making memories."

The older I get, the more I understand what my father meant. When I see advertising that urges me to hurry up and buy something, I ask myself whether I really need whatever it is. Often the answer is I do not.

C.1.2    When Debt Leads to Slavery

Helin cites statistics regarding the alarming level of debt in the United States. He contends we need to "do more with less" (31-34).

Personal observations: The same is true on this side of the border. According to an analysis by the McKinsey Global Institute, Canada, among other countries, now has a greater household debt load than what existed at the height of the "credit bubble" in the United States and the United Kingdom. Canadian debt increased to 162.6 per cent in the third quarter of 2014. The study found that Canada is one of the countries most at risk of foreclosures and bankruptcies.

I have a hard time understanding why so many people take the plunge into debt, just because they want to "keep up with the Joneses."

C.2    Part II - Veils to Vision

This part "discusses aspects of a vision for a new economic model that better addresses our social and spiritual well-being as well as our economic needs" (xxv-xxvi).

Wildflower, London, Ontario, July 15, 2014

C.2.1 The Technology Trap

Helin provides compelling arguments why technology, if not used wisely, can contribute to a whole host of problems. For example:

• A study showed that students disconnected from their digital devices, for even a period as short as 24 hours, developed withdrawal symptoms similar to those of substance abusers.

• People are losing touch with the natural world and with each other because they are so immersed in the digital world (71-76).

Personal observations: What I find particularly disturbing about the "technology trap" is it can cause people to risk their own lives and those of others. More than five years ago, the province of Ontario, in Canada, banned the use of portable device assistants behind the wheel. And last year, the fine for breaking the law went up to $1,000. Yet in 2014, police in London, Ontario laid 2,187 charges in this regard--close to double the number from three years ago.

C.2.2 Funnel Vision

Helin uses the phrase "funnel vision" to describe the tendency of Western cultures to "judge technologically poor societies as inferior." This approach blinds many Westerners from seeing the cultural and spiritual strengths that frequently exist in societies other than their own. This lack of recognition and support has caused many ways of life, including indigenous, to be eroded and, in some cases, to die off completely (81-84).

Personal observations: My family home was known as the "United Nations" because people of many different backgrounds passed through our doors. So I grew up learning about the diversity of world views.

My mother, Jay Peterson, initially got involved with aboriginal issues in 1958. From about 1969 until her passing in 1976, she devoted a large percentage of her time to helping educate people about the indigenous situation. For instance, she taught a Native Studies course at Fanshawe College in London, Ontario. Aboriginal people were frequently guest lecturers at this course.

I have some of the materials from her Fanshawe College course, including a one-pager entitled "Ways of Wisdom." Twenty-one aboriginals from different tribes across the country helped my mother assemble this document. It includes 11 observations, such as native people "were more interested in BEING than BECOMING."

My mother's relationship with aboriginal people led to my getting connected to the "cause." From 1975 to 1987, I worked primarily in native organizations in Southern and Northern Ontario and the Northwest Territories. But, as explained earlier in this post, I have mainly been on the outside looking in for about the past 10 years.

My mother's indigenous experiences spanned an 18-year period, but mine have lasted for more than 55 years. Although I share her view that non-aboriginal people need to be better informed about the history and heritage of indigenous people, my approach is quite different from hers in other respects. If you want to know more about my opinion on this, you can check out my other posts on this blog.

Artwork by Jay Peterson, ca. 1964-1974

C.          Part III - Creating Harmony

This final part "explores how we can incorporate the knowledge of past societies into a vision for a new economic model that can lead to a more holistic well-being that includes our social and spiritual dimensions" (xxvi).

C.3.1       A New Definition of Wealth and Progress

Helin contends a new international standard needs to be developed. This standard would include making adjustments to the Gross Domestic Product (GDP) so it takes into account factors such as environmental sustainability and individual and government debts. Quality of life, education levels, responsible governance and other measures can then be incorporated in (105-110).

Personal observations: Because of reading this book, I have become more aware of how much media commentary revolves around the GDP as a measurement of the country's health. I agree with Helin that we need to adjust the measurements for this.

C.3.2        Finding Common Ground

It was refreshing to read Helin's arguments for why all people on this planet need to find "common ground." It was even more refreshing to read his acknowledgement that we all need to move beyond the various intolerances that have emerged in our respective cultures, and try to work together for the best of all.

This is my favourite quote in the book:

As long as the views of one group are not harming another, we should tolerate others in the spirit of respect, cooperation and goodwill, recognizing that we are not diminished by differences as a species, but are ultimately strengthened by them. Instead of promoting hate and suspicion about each other, we need to promote tolerance and understanding (123).

Personal observations: These are what I think the implications are for aboriginal policy. I contend there are three major positions: parallelist, integrationist and assimilationist.

Alan Cairns was the first to use the term parallelism, which he described as "Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal communities travelling side by side, coexisting but not getting in each other's way." But Cairns is not a proponent of the term that he coined. The Royal Commission on Aboriginal People (1996) advocated parallelism, that is, forming a third order of government separate from non-aboriginal society.

Integrationists, on the other hand, believe that a total separation of the cultures is not necessary or warranted. However, there are many variations of this view.

Assimilationists prefer that aboriginals become part of mainstream society. About a third of Canadian aboriginals have chosen this route, and do not identify themselves as such in the federal census.

I do not have any problem with aboriginals maintaining their culture and governance models, as long as they are also willing to remain part of the Canadian state. I also contend that those aspects of aboriginal culture that may be harmful to any race should not be retained. So I see my views in the integrationist category.

My impression, after reading three of Helin's books, is that his views also fall into the integrationist slot. I think this approach is the best route forward for all Canadians.

Tree, London, Ontario, September 19, 2014

D. The "Body, Mind & Spirit" interview with Calvin Helin, October 1, 2014. Host Patricia Kennedy and co-host Leith Peterson

"Body, Mind & Spirit" is a CHRW 94.9 FM radio show at Western University in London, Ontario. The show airs three times a month, and the host is registered nurse, Patricia Kennedy. The show "explores holistic medicine, practitioners, research, health issues and more." Around late August 2014, Kennedy asked me if I would be willing to appear on the show, to discuss the book I am working on, which is about my two generations of experience with aboriginal issues. I told her I was declining interviews until my book is hopefully published. However, I suggested that she consider speaking with Calvin Helin about his book Dances With Spirits. This is because I thought many of the issues he discusses related well to her show's theme.

Kennedy said my suggestion was good, as long as I agreed to be co-host. Helin agreed to be interviewed by Kennedy and me on October 1, 2014. There is a permanent link to the show audio at thermographylondon.com Go to "Shows & Events," then "Body, Mind & Spirit," then October 1, 2014. Or go to "Blog," then October 2, 2014.

There are a number of technical glitches during the first 20 minutes or so, but all the people I have spoken with, who have listened to the approximately 57-minute broadcast, say they were glad they heard it. Quite a few said they planned to read Dances With Spirits, and some also spoke of checking out some of his other books.

If you decide to listen, I apologize in advance for my poor delivery, particularly during the first part of the show. Had extensive training at college and university regarding how to properly present myself verbally, but all that accumulated knowledge escaped me the morning the show was recorded. Will endeavour to do better if I ever have to do anything like this again.

Bibliography

Cairns, Alan C. Citizens Plus: Aboriginal People and the Canadian State. Toronto: UBC Press, 2000.

Council of Reference - Ways. Fanshawe College Canadian Studies Native Peoples I - Ways of Wisdom [course handout, unpublished]. Fanshawe College Native Studies, ca. 1971-1974.

Grant, Tavia. "New alarm bells over household debt as Canada faces 'downward spiral.'" Globe and Mail, February 5, 2015.

Helin, Calvin. Dances With Dependency: Indigenous Success Through Self-Reliance. Vancouver: Orca Spirit, 2006.

Helin, Calvin. Dances With Spirits: Ancient Wisdom for a Modern World. Los Angeles: Premier Digital, 2014.

Helin, Calvin. The Empowerment Mindset: Success Through Self-Knowledge. Los Angeles: Premier Digital, 2012.

Jacobs, Mindelle. "First nations, last place: Chiefs and councils keep bands dependent, says author." Edmonton Sun, November 17, 2010.

McClocklin, Jim. Charles T. Peterson [eulogy, unpublished]. April 4, 2007.

Peterson, Jay. Phase Five: Experiencing Equality [seminar, unpublished]. University of Western Ontario, Department of Occupational Therapy, March 1975.

Rollason, Kevin. "Native lawyer slams aboriginal welfare." Winnipeg Free Press, January 21, 2011.

Van Brenk, Deborah. "The number of distracted driving tickets handed out by London police keeps going up - as is the number of collisions in the city." London Free Press, January 28, 2015.

Vancouver Sun. "Enormous opportunities seen for first nations entrepreneurs." April 6, 2011.

Thomas King's "The Inconvenient Indian" - A Sometimes Contradictory, But Occasionally Constructive, Rant

2014-02-11T16:24:00.:00

Disclaimer: My references to the writings of other people--both native and non-native--do not in any way imply that they share my views on this matter.   The opinions expressed here are my own, and do not necessarily reflect those of my family, friends or associates.

A.        Introduction

I read Thomas King's The Inconvenient Indian: A Curious Account of Native People in North America (2012) twice. This was not because I enjoyed it so much, I just had to read it again. It was because the terrain that he navigates is all too familiar to me, and I was concerned my initial analysis might be laden too much with personal, rather than objective, reactions. King and I are from roughly the same era, and I was directly or indirectly connected with quite a few of the people and events that he talks about. But we come away with remarkably different analyses of the situation.

King chronicles his views on the interactions between native and non-native peoples in North America since contact. The publisher (Doubleday Canada) describes it as "at once a history and the subversion of history." However, King acknowledges that it is more an account than a history because he does not follow "the demands of scholarship" (x). The book has no footnotes or bibliography. In addition, the index leaves something to be desired; sometimes keywords are listed and other times they are not.

King contends there is no one word that can cover all aboriginals in North America "because there was never a collective to begin with" (xiii). (The Metis and Inuit get comparatively little attention in the book.) He decided to use Indian in the title because he considered it "the North American default" (xiii). I do think The Inconvenient Indian aptly conveys the work's content.

King frequently uses the term "North American," rather than Canadian or American, because he says the border is not as important to aboriginals as it is to whites (xvi). I cannot find the spot in the book where he provides a definition for what he means by North American, but I am assuming by the context he is referring to a mindset that operates outside of what he considers to be the aboriginal one.

I agree with those commentators who believe some of the book's popularity may be because it came out shortly before the anti-Bill C-45 protests in December 2012 and January 2013. It remained on the Canadian bestseller lists for 20 weeks after it was released in November 2012, making it to the number one spot for a while.

(Note: opposition to Bill C-45 has commonly been referred to as the Idle No More (INM) movement. I prefer, nonetheless, to stay away from this term, since a number of the INM founders stated they did not condone the actions taken by some under this moniker. In fact, there is still a lot of controversy going on within the native community about INM and what its philosophy should be.)

Although there have been some aboriginal protests since the major activism more than a year ago, they have not been as widespread. Yet King's book is still attracting readership. As of February 1, 2014, it was in seventh place out of 10 on the Globe's Canadian Non-Fiction Bestseller List.

I suspect one of the main reasons why the book has remained popular is because King does a very good job of making the reader understand why aboriginal discontent did not just spring up out of nowhere. He also vividly demonstrates how stereotypes of Indians have led to a lot of misconceptions and ill feelings between the races. But the downside of the book is that, while he lays out many of the contentious issues (such as the fact that "whites want land"), he offers little in the way of constructive solutions. In addition, he frequently contradicts himself. I will elaborate on all these points later in this post.

B.        King - Brief Biography

King was born in 1943 in California. When he was about five years old, his Cherokee father abandoned his Greek/German mother, brother and him. He never lived on a reservation, but his mother made sure he kept in touch with his aboriginal relatives. Outside of a few years in the 1960s working in New Zealand and later Australia, he spent the rest of his early life in the United States. In 1967, he got involved with native activism when he started attending Chico State University (BA, 1970, MA 1972). He later taught and did administrative work at Humboldt State University and the University of Utah (PhD 1986).

He has been married twice, having one son by his (presumably non-native) first wife, and a son and daughter with his current, non-native wife, Helen Hoy. He met Hoy after he moved to Canada in 1980, and started working in the Native Studies Department at the University of Lethbridge. Hoy and he later taught at the School of English and Theatre Studies at the University of Guelph, where they both specialized in aboriginal-related courses (they recently retired).

King got into his writing more seriously after moving to Canada. His works (mainly fiction) explore many facets of aboriginal life, and he often employs humour to get his point across. Before The Inconvenient Indian's publication, he was best known for his novel Green Grass, Running Water (1993) and for his role on CBC Radio's "Dead Dog Cafe" show (1997-2000). For further information on his background, please consult the bibliography at the end of this post.

C.        King and I - Similar Terrain But Divergent Paths

My late parents got involved with aboriginal issues in the late 1950s when I was a child, so I grew up with this matter constantly around me. From 1975 to 1987, I worked primarily in native organizations in Southern and Northern Ontario and the Northwest Territories. Until around the mid-2000s, I maintained a relatively close connection to the "cause," but since then have been generally keeping my distance, for reasons that I discuss in other posts on this blog.

There are many scenarios in King's book that I am familiar with because of my background. For instance, in June 1978, I had an article published about a walk by approximately 500 native people from all over North America who were protesting "anti-Indian legislation." The "longest walk," from Alcatraz Island in San Francisco Bay, to Washington, D.C., took place from February to July 1978. King describes the 19th century Trail of Tears, which was one of the motivations behind the 1978 "longest walk" in the book (88, 123).

Another anecdote that brought back some memories for me was when King related a harrowing experience he had in 1973. Some other protesters and he were riding in a van heading for Salt Lake City; they were going there to participate in a rally in support of Wounded Knee. The police pulled the van over at the Wyoming border, and at one point, a gun was aimed directly at him.

My connection to this border incident is far less dramatic: an aboriginal woman from a Southern Ontario reserve and I took a car trip through the Northern United States in the summer of 1978. When we got to the North Dakota border (en route to Saskatchewan), the border guard asked us where we were from. I dutifully said I was from London, Ontario, but she repeatedly said she was a "North American Indian," and refused to clarify the reserve where she lived was in Canada. The guard told us to get out of the vehicle, and then inspected every part of it, presumably looking for something illegal. We were finally allowed to proceed after an hour. I doubt it took him that long to search the car; I think he just wanted to delay us, to hammer the point home that my associate's response was not acceptable.

So when King talks about the unrest that has gone on in the United States, I have some idea what he is talking about. In terms of the Canadian references, there are no personal examples that stand out for me. However, there are two that, although I do not have direct experience with, I know a fair bit about: the Caledonia, Ontario crisis and Canadian aboriginals' views of property rights.

I discussed my concerns about King's coverage of the Caledonia crisis in my review of the blog "Six Nations (Haudenosaunee) & the Haldimand Tract: Beliefs Versus Facts," February 2, 2014, which can be found here.

King deals fairly extensively with aboriginals' views of property rights on both sides of the border. I do not know much about what is going on in the United States, but I have read quite a bit about the Canadian situation. He contends that "Indians, through inclination or treaty, held land in common" (129). But C.T. (Manny) Jules, who is the First Nations Property Ownership Initiative (FNPO) chief commissioner, and former chief of the Kamloops Indian band in B.C., says historically bands such as his had "governments that financed themselves" and that allowed for "individual property rights." He asserts that the Indian Act removed his band from the economy, and this needs to be rectified with a "secure property rights system" that protects "title and underlying jurisdiction."

King claims it is erroneous to think that aboriginal people want "individual freedom to pursue economic growth" like their non-aboriginal counterparts (118). But Shane Gottfriedson, who is chief of the Kamloops band (same band that Jules is from), does not share this view. He says his band is a proponent of the FNPO because it will help "to break the dependency culture. . ."

Because of my personal background, and because I have done considerable research into many of the topics he covers, I frequently realize when King's assertions are questionable. What bothers me is about two-thirds of the online reviews are unflinching in their praise for the book; only around a third recognize the book's failings. For instance, I could only find one reviewer other than myself who recognized that King's account of the Caledonia crisis was lacking in balance: Bob Tarantino mentioned the beating of non-aboriginal builder, Sam Gualtieri, who has been left with permanent brain damage.

D.        Strengths of The Inconvenient Indian

D.1      "North American" View of Aboriginals Has Been Problematic

King deserves praise for showing how some images have been appropriated in a way that demeans native people. When he mentioned a butter container, which he contends has a sexually-suggestive picture of an Indian maiden on it, I was transported back to early 1970s London, Ontario. At the time, my white boyfriend and I shared a townhouse with another couple (he was black; she was white). We went out for the evening, accompanied by an aboriginal female associate of mine, who was attending Western University in London.

Shortly after we arrived at what was then considered to be a fairly respectable tavern, my aboriginal associate started to get propositioned by a white male stranger in the bar. She quietly declined, but then another white male stranger did the same thing about 10 minutes later. Our black comrade asked the men why they were doing this. They said they assumed she was a prostitute, or words to that effect. This is one of several examples in my life where I have seen aboriginal women viewed in an exploitative fashion.

Although it is an exaggeration for King to say that the North American view of aboriginals is frozen in time in the 17th or 18th centuries, there is definitely a tendency in that direction. Some of it is fuelled, as he says, by Hollywood marketing.

D.2        "Whites Want Land"

King believes that asking Indians what they want is not the right question. It should be asking whites what they want, which is land. I completely agree that this is the main source of the tension between the races. In fact, in 1981, I pointed this out in a letter I wrote to some of my former colleagues, after resigning from a native organization:

It has been said that land is the single most important commodity left on this planet, and the fight over land will be the last battlefield. The government will never, never agree to separate nation status for native people unless they can--directly or indirectly--benefit from the revenue (oil, coal, etc.) under that nation.

At the time I wrote the above, I assumed that "separate nation status for native people" would mean that those nations would remain within the Canadian Constitutional framework. Since then, the whole nation issue has become much more complex, with some aboriginal reserves wanting to separate totally from Canada. As I have explained in previous posts on this blog here and here, I am OK with aboriginal communities in this country operating as collectives within the Canadian Constitutional framework, but I disagree with those who advocate operating outside of it.

(There were other points I made in my 1981 letter that I do not feel the same way about now, but I do think the above excerpt still has some validity.)

D.3        North Americans' "Irrational Addiction to Profit"

King believes that an "unexamined confidence in western civilization" is one of the root causes of the tension between non-aboriginals and aboriginals (265). I believe in maintaining a unifying Canadian culture that respects the rights of the individual and upholds the rule of law. But I do think there is some validity to his contention that North Americans need to find a way to overcome "their irrational addiction to profit" (220).

E.        Weaknesses of The Inconvenient Indian

E.1       Contradictions

King repeatedly contradicts himself throughout the book. The most blatant example is when he flip-flops as to whether violence and vandalism are good strategies. He says the American Indian Movement (AIM)'s 1972 destruction of the Bureau of Indian Affairs' files was "stupid," because the folders may have contained material the tribes could have used for land negotiations. But he admits that, when the media asked for his opinion, he, along with others "mumbled supportive platitudes about Native rights and government deceit. . ." (147-148).

Later, he discusses AIM's growing frustration with the lack of progress they had made in their negotiations with the government, and says that sometimes native concerns have to involve "demonstrations, confrontations, and, on occasion, violence" (157-158).

He proceeds to the Caledonia crisis, where he implies that the "Mohawk" protest was fuelled by the "long-standing Native land claim" (165-166). It is true that the protest did not just happen, but the validity of the claim involving the south end of Caledonia is under serious dispute. I go into further detail about this issue in other posts on my blog here and here.

Since I have worked in native organizations involved with land claims negotiations, I have some understanding of the frustration and anger that builds when negotiations do not go as well as the aboriginal side would like. But I think it is a huge mistake for King to be advocating violence under any circumstances.

E.2 Pre-Contact Aboriginal Society Was Not a Paradise

Although it is true that many post-contact intertribal aboriginal battles were precipitated by European encroachment, the same cannot be said for what happened before Europeans arrived. King barely touches on this.

When I was working in the native organizations, I regularly heard about how various tribes had fought with each other historically. So I was pleased to learn that an Inuk fillmmaker and a Cree filmmaker recently released Inuit Cree Reconciliation, a documentary about how the Inuit and Cree are coming to terms with their past and present animosities.

A re-examination of past animosities is also occurring on the other side of the country. Archaeological research being conducted in B.C.'s Fraser Canyon is confirming what Sto:lo elders have said, that the Coast Salish and Sto:lo peoples fought regularly for thousands of years before contact.

In addition, some aboriginal spokespeople have alleged that all Indian societies traditionally treated their women well. Yes, some tribes did treat their women with great respect and as equals, but others did not. For example, polygamy was common in some Athabaskan (Dene) societies. Chipewyan leader, Matonabbee, had seven wives, and believed women "were meant for labour."

In April 1986, I saw a stage play entitled "Matonabbee" in Yellowknife, Northwest Territories (still have the program). I have a distinct recollection of the actor in the title role (played by a Chipewyan named Francois Paulette) striding across the stage while his wives followed behind, carrying heavy loads strapped to their foreheads. There was a strong aboriginal component to the cast and crew. In retrospect, I realize it was quite an enlightened production for the time period.

Because I have concerns about some questionable aspects of native society before contact, it follows that I also take issue with how King depicts aboriginal sovereignty. He does not adequately convey the fact that sovereignty has various interpretations among aboriginal groups. In 2003, the Harvard Project on Indian Economic Development released a report that contended sovereignty was the process needed for creating stable Indian government structures. The authors concluded that letting these communities make their own decisions is a good idea as long as the institutions and policies developed are stable; dispute mechanisms are transparent; politics is separated from business; personnel are competent, and the systems developed take into account each tribe's distinct characteristics.

In the 1980s, I did a considerable amount of research into United States tribal government archival systems for my native organization employer. It seemed to me that work in this area, at least at the time, exemplified an efficient way of looking after the records. I have absolutely no idea what the situation is like now, but I think it is important to point out that I saw aboriginal governance in action when it came to archival records, and it made sense to me, at least back then.

As I understand it, tribal sovereignty is different in practice in the United States and Canada. It appears from the limited research I have done that the Canadian version of sovereignty is a mixed bag of everything from ones modelled on the Harvard project, to those reserves that want to break away entirely from Canada. As mentioned previously, I have no problem with aboriginal communities operating as collectives, as long as they still want to remain part of the Canadian Constitutional framework.

I am concerned that King's approach to sovereignty could result in the borders between Canada and the United States being eliminated, and thousands of separate "nations" operating independently of each other. This could lead to anarchy and chaos. Although there are many similarities between Canada and the United States, there are major differences was well, e.g., our legal systems. Turning back the clock to satisfy some aboriginal demands for independence from federal oversight could end up backfiring on everyone involved. Since aboriginal societies historically did not often get along with each other, and since these animosities are only starting to be addressed, I do not see how reverting to a pre-contact scenario would be advantageous.

E.3    Lack of Constructive Solutions

King's observations about how non-aboriginals have failed aboriginals do have some merit. For instance, he says that instead of trying to assimilate natives into the white educational system, whites could have developed partnerships with the individual nations (119). The Assembly of First Nations recently agreed to the First Nations Control of First Nations Education Act, so this could be an example of this type of partnership in action (although some native groups and individuals are opposed to the Act).

I totally agree with King's observation that non-aboriginals could have been more accommodating of aboriginals, rather than trying to change them into something they could never be. I suspect at the core of the condescension is the "whites want land" issue.

But, considering such factors as the intertribal warfare and the disparaging treatment of women that went on pre-contact, I think it is far too simplistic for King to make it sound like returning to the traditional ways would make everything better.

F.       Conclusion

Although many of King's experiences relating to aboriginal issues have come from working on reserves in the U.S. and Canada, and teaching native-oriented material in academic settings, the fact remains that he did not really get involved with the topic until he was about 25. In addition, he has never lived on a reserve or in a native community. Plus non-aboriginals, such as his mother and wife, have played very important roles in his thinking and philosophy.

I feel this is important to point out because of what I consider to be the often sarcastic and almost anarchistic approach he takes towards his subject matter. Despite the fact that his life has been spent in a multiracial, multi-faceted environment, he portrays the native situation as very much an "us and them" situation, when his own biography does not mirror this reality.

In a February 2013 CBC Radio interview with Shelagh Rogers, he revealed there were many times that he wanted to give up on the book, and return the advance to the publisher. He said it was Hoy who said he had to finish it. And, as anyone knows who has read it, Hoy's interjections feature prominently throughout. This is frequently a good thing, since she helps to curtail some of his rants.

I also felt as if Shawn Atleo, national chief of the Assembly of First Nations, whose endorsement appears on the book jacket, was leaning over his shoulder, along with Hoy. King really tiptoes around any criticism of Canadian aboriginals, and I think this takes away from the book's effectiveness. When he finds fault with natives, he either does it in a general way, or limits his barbs to U.S. Indian groups.

So I maintain the book, despite its strengths, seems more the work of a committee than an individual. King admitted in the CBC Radio interview that he really had trouble revisiting some of the material, and it shows. I also had trouble revisiting some of the material because of my personal connection to it. I can understand why he said it took him six years to finish it. It took me six months to complete this blog post.

Bibliography

Berton, Pierre. "May we only celebrate history's nice guys?" Toronto Star, November 16, 1991.

Blatchford, Christie. Helpless: Caledonia's Nightmare of Fear and Anarchy, and How the Law Failed All of Us. Doubleday Canada, 2010.

Blatchford, Christie. "Judge finds Six Nations's claim 'exceedingly weak.'" Globe and Mail, November 22, 2010.

Busby, Brian John. "King, Thomas" Canadian Encyclopedia. Retrieved June 10, 2013.

Cairns, Alan C. Citizens Plus: Aboriginal People and the Canadian State. Toronto: UBC Press, 2000.

CBC Radio: Q. "Thomas King on The Inconvenient Indian." November 23, 2012.

CBC Radio: The Next Chapter. "Shelagh's extended conversation with Thomas King." February 4, 2013.

Cornell, Stephen, and Joseph P. Kalt. "Sovereignty and Nation-Building: The Development Challenge in Indian Country Today." American Indian Culture and Research Journal, 2003 (3).

Everett-Green, Robert. "Inuit Cree Reconciliation: a documentary built on oral history." Globe and Mail, December 27, 2013.

Gottfriedson, Shane. "Chief Shane Gottfriedson responds to the Walrus Magazine essay" [letter]. First Nations Property Ownership Initiative, January 30, 2013. fnpo.ca.

Gruber, Eva, ed. Thomas King: Works and Impact. Rochester, New York: Camden House, 2012.

Helin, Calvin. Dances With Dependency. Vancouver: Orca Spirit, 2006.

Jules, C.T. (Manny). "Give us full rights to our home and native land." Globe and Mail, February 1, 2012.

Lewis, Brian. "Matonabbee" [stage play program]. Yellowknife, Northwest Territories, April 1986.

Malloy, Kate. "Bestselling author of The Inconvenient Indian says feds mounting all-out offensive on native lands." April 15, 2013. Democracy Gone Astray. democracyastray.blogspot.ca.

McMillan, Alan D. and Eldon Yellowhorn. First peoples in Canada. Toronto: Douglas & McIntyre, 2004.

Native American Authors. "Thomas King: Native American Writer." June 10, 2013. nativeamerican-authors.com.

O'Brien, Jennifer. "New deal, to be tabled Tuesday, is applauded by many, but doesn't right past wrongs, one critic says." London Free Press, February 9, 2014.

Peterson, Leith. "The Longest Walk - is Canada Next?" Satellite: London's Community Newsmagazine, June 30, 1978.

Pringle, Heather. "Raiders from the sea." Canadian Geographic, July/August 2011.

Tammemagi, Hans. "Better Dead Than Alive? 'The Inconvenient Indian' Takes a Seriously Funny Look at Native History." Indian Country Today, October 14, 2013.

Tarantino, Bob. "The Inconvenient Indian." C2C Journal, June 7, 2013. c2cjournal.ca.

Wikipedia. "Thomas King (novelist)." Retrieved June 10, 2013. wikipedia.org.

A Review of Some Aspects of the Blog "Six Nations (Haudenosaunee) & The Haldimand Tract: Beliefs Versus Facts"

2014-02-02T16:00:00.:00

Disclaimer: My references to the writings of other people--both native and non-native--do not in any way imply that they share my views on this matter. The opinions expressed here are my own, and do not necessarily reflect those of my family, friends or associates.

Background Information Regarding DeYo and His Blog

On October 31, 2013, a resident of Haldimand County in Southwestern Ontario, Canada, started a blog entitled "Six Nations (Haudenosaunee) & the Haldimand Tract: Beliefs Versus Facts" (deyoyonwatheh.blogspot.ca).

I recently became aware of his blog through some online searching, and have read all of his (as of this writing) 80 posts. He signs each of his entries with "DeYo," so that is what I will call him. When I quote from or reference his posts, I will put in a notation at the end that will include a key word or words from the post title, the date of the post and the post number in sequence from 1 to 80. (The post numbers are not included on the blog itself; I have just added them in for my own reference.)

DeYo's "kinship connections include, among others, the people of Haldimand County, the Delaware of Smoothtown, and the Lower Mohawk of the old Mohawk Village and Tyendinaga." (Although he has aboriginal ancestry, he does not live in an aboriginal community in Haldimand County.)

From his early life onward, he has been aware of "unresolved land disputes" between the Six Nations (Haudenosaunee) and the Canadian federal government (as successors to the British Crown). He "tended to focus on what the evidence would clearly show to be true" ("Genesis," October 31, 2013, #1).

For more than 30 years, he has examined not only "specific relevant documents" related to the Six Nations (SN) land claims, but also "related records, and the diaries and letters of Indian Department officials. . ." ("Surrenders. . .1841-1850," November 8, 2013, #30).

His research into the SN claims primarily took place over a 20-year period "between the mid 1970s and mid 1990s." He reviewed records at Library and Archives Canada, the Archives of Ontario, The Library of the Woodland Cultural Centre, the Brant County Library, and the Haldimand County Museum and Archives. In addition, he has scrutinized the 29 claims listed on the SN Lands and Resources website ("Examination. . .29 claims," December 21, 2013, #57).

Some of the Main Reasons Why DeYo Started His Blog

1.   The Caledonia, Ontario crisis, which started on February 28, 2006. He says SN has no legal right to be claiming the land at the "south end of Caledonia," and he has the historical documentation to prove it. He notes that "2006. . .was to see my world and that of those around me change forever. . .among other things, I realized there was a huge psychological gap between many of the Six Nations residents and the 'townsfolk' in for example nearby Hagersville, Caledonia and Brantford."

2.   Fallout from the Ipperwash "incident." He observes that because of this "incident," the Ontario Provincial Police [OPP] "went from elite to effete, and their leadership became enablers. . .the rule of law vanished as the area degenerated into anarchy." He suggests if people want to learn more about the suffering of the local non-aboriginal residents that they read Christie Blatchford's Helpless: Caledonia's Nightmare of Fear and Anarchy, and How the Law Failed All of Us (2010).

3.   Blockade of Highway 6, by some SN protesters, October 17, 2013. DeYo got stuck in this blockade, and it became one of two triggers that led to the creation of his blog.

4. McKenzie Meadows Project article in "local Native paper," October 30, 2013. After he read this article, he feared the "whole problem (questionable land claims and fallout) would never go away," so this became his second trigger ("Genesis," October 31, 2013, #1).

DeYo and Gary McHale: Six Nations are Not Indigenous to the Haldimand Tract

The conclusion DeYo has come to is that many of SN's 29 claims are based on "unsupported, unvalidated and patently false" information. Two key documents that he says prove his assertion are a 2009 report prepared for the City of Brantford (the "Holmes report"), and a ent," December 24, 2013, #64; "False," January 18, 2014, #77).

DeYo is not implying in any way that claims put forward by other Canadian aboriginals are lacking in merit; that is beyond the scope of his research. He says there are problems with the SN claims because the SN are not indigenous to the Haldimand Tract. He explains how the Crown purchased the land the Six Nations are currently on from the Mississauga:

The Five Nations did exterminate the Huron/Wyandot, Petun, Attiwandaronk, Erie and other peoples of Southwestern Ontario. . .in the mid 1600s. Thus they removed by conquest all of the former occupants of Southwestern Ontario, leaving it a human desert for a number of years. However, Mississauga (Ojibway/Chippewa) peoples soon began to move into the area and establish settlements or at least territorial rights. . .By 1696, the Three Fires Confederation had destroyed all but three settlements of the First Nations and they had no presence at all there by 1700. The Three Fires Confederacy was composed of the Mississauga, Ojibway and Pottawatomi. . .In the end, the land was left to the Mississauga who were the acknowledged "owners" of Southwestern Ontario, and from whom Governor General Sir Frederick Haldimand purchased the Haldimand Tract for Six Nations occupancy in 1784.

Hence when the Nanfan Treaty of 1701 was signed by 20 representatives of the Five Nations (the Sixth Nation, the Tuscarora, were not incorporated until about 1714), they were yielding their "beaver hunting grounds" in Southwestern Ontario to the British - however, they had no claim to Southwestern Ontario because they had been totally defeated by the Mississauga and their allies ("Treaty," January 17, 2014, #75).

He explains that the Six Nations:

. . .were dispossessed Loyalist refugees looking for a suitable place to settle. When Captain Joseph Brant chose the Grand River lands, it was necessary for the Crown to purchase the lands from the rightful owners - the Mississauga. It was widely known that the only claimants to these lands at that time were the Mississauga. . .

. . .When Governor Haldimand was faced with the task of accommodating the thousands of Six Nations and other Native peoples who had fought for the Crown, and whose aboriginal properties in NY had been utterly destroyed by the depredations of the American General Sullivan, he obtained a deed of sale from the Mississauga who owned the entire region by right of conquest dating to the closing years of the 1600s. . .

. . .The Six Nations are aboriginal to the area between the mouth of the Mohawk River to the Finger Lakes and beyond towards Lake Erie. However, these lands do not belong to the Crown any longer, and so the Six Nations are no more aboriginal to the Haldimand Tract than their fellow Loyalists and military comrades. . .("Six Nations are NOT Aboriginal," November 2, 2013, #6).

Caledonia activist, Gary McHale, covers some of the same ground as DeYo in his book Victory in the No-Go Zone: Winning the Fight Against Two-Tier Policing (2013; 186-187). For instance, he says ". . .despite the impression given by the OPP, government and media, Six Nations are not First Nations. They have no signed treaties with the Canadian government, and no basis under which to make a property claim" (187).

Thomas King's Questionable Comments on the Caledonia Crisis in The Inconvenient Indian

The information provided by DeYo, McHale and Blatchford makes me question even more some statements made by Cherokee/Greek author, Thomas King, in his book The Inconvenient Indian (2012). King describes Blatchford's Helpless as a "sloughing off of history. . .style of scholarship." He also contends that the Canadian and Ontario governments have "ignored and dismissed. . .the long-standing native land claims dating back to the 1700s," and implies this contributed to the Caledonia crisis (165-166).

In addition, King takes aim at the Ontario government for settling a $20 million lawsuit with some non-aboriginal Caledonia residents in 2011. He implies this compensation may have been politically motivated, since a provincial Liberal election occurred a few months after the settlement. There is ample justification for concluding that it was indeed politically motivated. But I am shocked that he then claims this settlement shows that "[t]he concerns of the Mohawk and the land claim itself were shoved into a closet. . ." (175-176).

It seems to me that, since historical evidence demonstrates that SN have no right to be claiming certain areas, including land at the south end of Caledonia, then Ottawa and the Ontario government would be in a difficult position to resolve the matter. It also seems to me that, if anything, the Ontario government, in particular, has gone overboard to appease SN regarding certain claims.

Conclusions

DeYo summarizes his concerns as follows:

To expect meaningful change to happen without resistance is unrealistic. What I do hope is that those with the power to act, will show some respect for the data and the facts - and respond accordingly with some backbone. My greatest trust is in the Courts. It is here where we can find true justice in Ontario, free of the taint of politics ("Recent," December 24, 2013, #64).

If DeYo is wrong in his assertions, then the parties in question need to provide the necessary data to prove this is the case.

Afterthoughts

I agree with many of the statements DeYo makes in his 80 blog posts, but I feel he sometimes generalizes too much. I believe this is because most of his interactions with aboriginals have involved Six Nations, and have ended up being negative.

I have also had some negative interactions with aboriginals, as explained in some of my previous posts on this blog. However, I have also had some positive experiences, and am optimistic that things are getting better in certain areas.

For instance, I have been heartened by many of the aboriginal success stories that have been presented on the Sun News Network by commentators such as Ezra Levant. Although Levant is one of the aboriginal communities' biggest critics (and has a tendency to exaggerate), I hope he continues to provide coverage of when aboriginals do well.

A growing number of native reserves thrive as collectives because they have shaken off the cloak of dependency on government funding, have taken personal responsibility for their actions, and have moved forward with viable and self-sustaining action plans.

As I explained in my "Canadian Aboriginal Integration. . ." post, "I remain firmly on the side of those aboriginals who agree that maintaining their Canadian citizenship is a good thing." I do not have a problem with aboriginal rights that have resulted from Canadian Constitutional provisions, as long as these rights do not harm aboriginals or non-aboriginals, e.g., traditional practices among some tribes that condoned violence and disparaged women. I favour an aboriginal governance model that allows for integration with the Canadian government system. In other words, I do not agree with natives creating separate nation states outside of the Canadian Constitution.

(In addition, I totally support those aboriginals who do not want to remain as part of collectives on reserves or in urban areas, and who wish to become part of mainstream Canada. There are thousands who have chosen this route.)

I believe the Six Nations are lagging behind other communities in terms of effective governance because of their complex history and community dynamics. As DeYo has pointed out, and as I have read elsewhere, there are some Six Nations members who realize the reserve situation could use some improvement. For those who feel this way, I highly recommend Tsimshian author/entrepreneur/lawyer, Calvin Helin's, The Empowerment Mindset (2012). The sub-section of Chapter 2, entitled "Community- and Group-Conditioned Negativity" (38-41), is particularly relevant.

Chippewas of the Thames First Nation (COTTFN) Proposed Urban Reserve for London, Ontario, Canada - Some Points for Discussion

2013-05-01T18:07:00.:00

Disclaimer: My references to the writings of other people--both aboriginal and non-aboriginal--do not in any way imply that they share my views on this matter. The opinions expressed here are my own and do not necessarily represent those of my family, friends or associates.

I readily admit I am far from an expert on the establishment of urban reserves. Have learned from my research that this is a very complicated topic, and I have no first-hand knowledge of the subject. Many of the approximately 120 urban reserves that currently exist throughout Canada are reportedly functioning very well, so this could end up being a good news story for all involved.

But I feel, as a citizen of London, Ontario, and as someone with two generations of experience with aboriginal issues, including with former and current residents of the Chippewas of the Thames First Nation (COTTFN), that I would like to add my point of view to the discussion.

A Reminder of Happier Times Regarding COTTFN

As I was working on this post, I became quite despondent, thinking about how things had not worked out as I had hoped regarding my relationship with some people from COTTFN and their associates. To cheer me up, I went through an old album and found some photos I took while visiting a resident of COTTFN during happier times. As I recall (and my 11 photos bear this out), she invited me for Thanksgiving dinner at her home in 1980. She also took me to the Longwoods Conservation Area and Ska-Nah-Doht Village, which are located not far from the reserve. I believe I took the photo below at the conservation area.

I probably took this at Longwoods, ca. 1980

Introduction

At the end of January 2013, it was announced in the London Free Press that the COTTFN (cottfn.com), which is about 20 km southwest of London, Ontario, Canada, was in preliminary talks with the City of London (CoL) about possibly establishing an urban reserve in the city. This development is the result of COTTFN settling a land claim that dates back to the 19th century.

History of the COTTFN Claim and Settlement

From 1818 to 1822, the COTTFN established both a reserve on the Thames and one at Big Bear Creek. The band never surrendered Big Bear Creek (located near Florence, Ontario), but the government sold it anyway in the 1830s. The last resident was forced to move to the Thames site about 100 years ago.

Colonel J.B. Clench, who was an Indian Affairs superintendent from 1830 to 1854, misappropriated funds that rightfully belonged to the COTTFN, as well as other bands. From 1847 to 1854, there was an investigation into this, called the Clench Defalcation Claim, but nothing ended up getting resolved. Lawyer A.J. Chisholm was hired by the COTTFN in 1906 to try and resolve the matter, but he negotiated a settlement that was less than the band thought was fair.

In 1974, lawyer and former COTTFN chief, Delbert Riley, guided the band through a legal challenge of the 1906 payment, but the government rejected it. An inquiry into the Clench Defalcation Claim commenced in 1997, which led to the reopening of negotiations in 1999.

Finally, in June 2005, a settlement was reached. Some of the financial compensation was earmarked for land claims research to pursue other claims that would involve compensation for lost land with land, instead of money.

In September 2012, the federal government offered COTTFN a chance to expand their land base by 60 per cent. But the matter had to be voted on by the reserve's more than 2,600 residents, 941 of whom lived on reserve as of August 2012.

On March 23, 2013, the Chippewas voted 1,200 to 101 in favour of the settlement.

Details of the Settlement

I congratulate the COTTFN for having negotiated their claim to a final settlement, after many years of lobbying and persistence. It is precedent setting because:

• The band can potentially set up reserves in four places in Southwestern Ontario, other than their current location; these four additional locations do not have to all be in one place. The band can also expand the boundaries of their current reserve. The total amount of the increase is 2,017 hectares
• The band has an unlimited time frame for establishing these reserves
• This would be Ontario's first urban reserve

Further details:

• The federal government is providing $120 million
• $30 million has been earmarked to purchase land. Plus the band has an additional $15 million from a pension fund that can be used towards this purpose. Economic development projects resulting from these investments could increase the band's economic self-sufficiency
• One of the projects COTTFN is considering is an industrial park on the 400 series highways. They plan to use as their model the Chippewas of Sarnia Industrial Park, which started in 1991
• $30 million for seniors, $20 million for community members and $10 million for post-secondary bursaries

Controversial areas:

• Because the band can offer a lower tax rate, it could weaken London's economic and industrial base
• Ray Deleary, COTTFN senior policy analyst, said that businesses would be offered 99-year leases, but larger outfits may prefer to own the property
• COTTFN has managed to keep the surrender provisions of the settlement open ended. Chief Joe Miskokomon said "some members of his community are not happy with surrendering their title to the land in exchange for money and political approvals. . .the band doesn't believe it has surrendered rights to resources above and below the land" (London Free Press, March 26, 2013)

London Mayor, Joe Fontana, said he has held some preliminary talks with Miskokomon about the matter and is "excited" about the prospect. The city is waiting for COTTFN to complete a settlement and economic development plan before more detailed talks commence.

Points for Discussion

My concerns fall into the following categories: political, policing, governance interface, the effect of the urban reserve on aboriginals who are not from COTTFN, and the impasse I feel I have reached with some former and current COTTFN residents.

A.      Possible Political Tensions

Michael E. Gertler, a sociology professor at the University of Saskatchewan, penned a chapter of Urban Indian Reserves (1999) entitled "Urban Indian Reserves and Community Development: Some Social Issues." Gertler noted that the political nature of urban reserves could lead to changes in relationships and power structures. His observation is just as applicable today as it was at the time he wrote it.

A.1      The COTTFN's Objections to Bill C-45

On October 18, 2012, the federal government introduced the omnibus budget Bill C-45 (Jobs and Growth Act, 2012), which contained provisions that many aboriginals and their supporters did not like (although some natives supported various aspects of the bill).

(Note: Opposition to this bill has commonly been referred to as the Idle No More (INM) movement. I prefer, nonetheless, to stay away from this term, since a number of the INM founders stated they did not condone the actions taken by some under this moniker.)

The COTTFN objected to Bill C-45 in an "urgent memo" it released November 28, 2012. The covering page of the memo was signed by Chief Joe Miskokomon, who said it was a "notice of support for Anishnaabeg, Lenni Lenape, Haudenosaunee and all Indigenous people in Anishnaabe territory of Southwestern Ontario to join in a united peaceful opposition to the legislative attacks by the federal conservative government."

On December 19, 2012 and January 10, 2013, the COTTFN were involved with two peaceful Bill C-45 protests that blocked roadways in London. Then on January 28, 2013, the London Free Press reported that "native leaders" were employing other lobbying methods, including the use of social media, to try to prove to "Southwestern Ontarians" that "we are all treaty people." Miskokomon is quoted in this article as saying "[o]ur objective is not to inconvenience people, but to educate them. . ." This is understandable, since many aboriginals who opposed the legislation feel strongly that it endangers not only their way of life, but also that of other Canadians, e.g., the reported erosion of environmental safeguards.

Although Bill C-45 received Royal Assent on December 14, 2012, and is now law, the opposition to it remains strong among many aboriginals and their supporters. This makes me wonder if future native leaders might have more radical ideas about how to settle the score with the government, and that Londoners could get caught in the middle. I hope there are provisions in the arrangements made between the COTTFN and the CoL to make this less likely to happen.

A.2      Contentious "Surrender" Provisions in Settlement

I can understand why the COTTFN membership would not be keen on the surrender provision, but I think there needs to be more clarification on their part as to what this objection entails. What exactly do they mean when they say they own the resources above and below the land? Does this only apply to the current reserve and the 2,017 hectares they can potentially obtain? Or are they also talking about the Big Bear Creek area?

A particularly worrisome aspect for me is a statement made by Ray Deleary in the "Big Bear Creek Specific Land Claim" video, that was published on youtube.com five days before the COTTFN ratified the settlement. Various stakeholders in the land claim were voicing their opinions as to what should be done if the membership rejected the settlement and wanted to get the Big Bear Creek area back. Deleary said an option would be to move in as was done at Caledonia or Ipperwash--or words to that effect--at least that's my interpretation of what he said.

Regardless of the context in which Deleary said this, it is still troubling to me that he would voice such an option. The Caledonia and Ipperwash disputes have contributed to frayed relations between native and non-native neighbours in those areas. In both cases, millions of dollars were spent to deal with the fallout. Miskokomon said in the video that that sort of approach would not be pragmatic, but what if he is defeated as chief, and someone with more radical views takes over?

As mentioned already, there were 101 who voted against the settlement. Is there a possibility that some of these dissenters could be of the view that the Big Bear Creek area should still be taken back?

I realize the COTTFN have legitimate grievances, but I also think that, if they want to maintain positive relations with non-aboriginal business partners and the CoL, they need to recognize that Deleary's statement could contribute to apprehension, even though he stated it in a hypothetical context.

As the "Big Bear Creek Specific Land Claim" video makes clear, COTTFN members have differing points of view in certain areas, which is, of course, the case in any community. But it worries me that these differences could spill over into actions that may create difficulties down the road. For instance, from December 21, 2012 to January 3, 2013, some members of the Chippewas of Sarnia reserve (Amijwnaang First Nation) blockaded the CN rail line over objections to the Bill C-45 legislation, even though the band council recommended alternative ways of raising objections. Are there going to be any stipulations built into agreements between the COTTFN and CoL to minimize these sorts of protests occurring?

B.      Policing

I think the CoL needs to take the issue of policing very seriously because of the aboriginal protests that have occurred in Ontario from time to time since the 1970s.

The Ontario government has been one of the worst for employing appeasement methods to native issues. From the Ipperwash Inquiry recommendations to the occupation of the former Douglas Creek Estates in Caledonia, to the non-action or delayed action by the Ontario Provincial Police (OPP) regarding various protests that occurred during the December 2012-January 2013 period, provincial officials have frequently demonstrated that they prefer to avoid confrontation at all costs, despite the fact that many non-natives have been inconvenienced, hurt or even permanently injured as a result.

Consequently, I think the CoL should strike out on a different path in their negotiations with the COTTFN, one that stresses the safety of all people involved. Miskokomon and some other COTTFN spokespeople have indicated by their recent comments that they want to employ a pragmatic approach in their dealings with their non-native neighbours. I think this view needs to be translated into specifics in any urban reserve agreement.

C.    Governance Interface

I contend it is extremely important that every possible detail be ironed out before the urban reserve is established, not only because it makes good business sense, but also because it leads to greater trust between the negotiating parties. One of the editors of the Urban Indian Reserves book, Joseph Garcea, mentioned the importance of trust in an interview he gave with the London Free Press, January 30, 2013.

Furthermore, court decisions handed down of late have stressed the need for clearly spelling out the rights and responsibilities of all negotiating parties in treaty settlements.

Moreover, Ryan C. Walker, who is in the Geography and Planning Department of the University of Saskatchewan, echoed this refrain in his 2008 article, entitled "Improving the Interface between Urban Municipalities and Aboriginal Communities." He consulted with aboriginal and non-aboriginal stakeholders and resource people in seven cities before he prepared his article.

As Walker points out, Canadian treaties with aboriginals are between the federal government and the band, and governance for municipalities falls under provincial statutes. He thinks that both the federal and provincial governments could do more to improve the interface with urban centres. But he asserts that municipalities should be proactive about improving their affiliation with aboriginal communities, rather than waiting for action to be taken at the two higher levels.

One of the things I learned from my research is that municipalities cannot veto the creation of an urban reserve. This makes it all the more crucial for CoL to ensure the agreement they establish with COTTFN leaves no stone unturned.

D.      What Do Urban Aboriginals Who Are Not from COTTFN Think?

As Gertler explains, urban reserves can create complications in terms of other types of urban self-government, and can also contribute to divisions among urban aboriginals. I think his comment needs to be taken into consideration by all negotiating parties.

When there was first discussion about the COTTFN establishing an urban reserve, Miskokomon mentioned that one of the options might be "central London." The 2006 census listed 4,500 first nations living in London. How many of these are former and current COTTFN residents and how many are not? What do the ones who are not think about this?

Although the media focus has moved to the possible creation of an industrial park on the 400 series highways, the "central London" option could still resurface at a later date, since the band has an unlimited amount of time to establish additional reserves.

Miskokomon said that economic development projects initiated by COTTFN could create opportunities for not only his reserve, but also for other first nations. I do not doubt this for a minute, but it is also well known that aboriginals do not always speak with one voice. Quite a number of natives have publicly acknowledged this fact.

In 2011, the Environics Institute released the Urban Aboriginals People Study (UAPS). This study involved interviews with first nations, Inuit and Metis in 11 Canadian cities, including Toronto and Ottawa. It also encompassed interviews with non-aborginal urban residents. Although the UAPS (uaps.ca) did not include urban reserves, it does provide considerable insight, e.g., many natives consider the city home, and most feel confident that they can retain their culture in an urban setting. The study also found that most urban aboriginals did not think that any organization, including native, represented their interests very well.

My personal experience confirms these findings, and I have also found that London aboriginals have differing points of view. For instance, my play, Fishy Wisdom, which was produced at the London One Act Festival in 2004, dealt with controversial matters relating to aboriginal accountability. To make a long story short, there were some aboriginals who were supportive of my play and others who were not.

Furthermore, when I have asked some London aboriginals where they were from, they have occasionally said they were from London. In other words, they considered London their home, and not the reserve where their parents or grandparents originally came from. I have also surmised (although not recently) that aboriginals in this city come from many different tribes and reserves. So that is why I can understand why Gertler would recommend that this matter be dealt with.

I realize there are many bands that function well as collectives, which is one of the reasons why so many urban reserves are reportedly successful. Am just pointing out that a "one size fits all" approach does not necessarily address the needs of all aboriginals in the CoL.

E.      Personal Impasse

From the mid-1970s until 2007, I had a fair bit of contact with some former and current COTTFN residents (except for when I worked in native organizations in Northern Ontario and the Northwest Territories during this period).

Some of my happier moments relating to COTTFN include:

• The Thanksgiving meal mentioned at the beginning of this post. As I recall, I took the photo below though the window of my host's home

I took this at COTTFN, ca. 1980

• Going into the bush with a reserve resident, where we located and later ate nutritious wild plants
• Attending services at the reserve church, during which some of the residents would pray to the four directions
• Doing some consulting work for the band relating to genealogy and other matters
• Donating books and other items to the reserve resource centre
• One or two COTTFN residents attended my politically correct Amelia play at Eldon House (but not my politically incorrect Fishy Wisdom)

Here's another photo I believe I took through my host's window.

Another photo at COTTFN, ca. 1980

In 2007, I reached an impasse with some former and current COTTFN residents and their supporters. We disagreed on how this impasse could be rectified, and I stopped having any contact with them.

Before some of you start blasting me for being racist, let me assure you that I have also reached an impasse with a number of non-aboriginals, and have curtailed contact with them as well. I march to my own drummer, but some people, regardless of race, prefer that I conform to what they want me to be. I prefer to be myself.

I realize there are probably many non-aboriginals who continue to maintain positive relations with COTTFN, so I do not want to give the impression that what happened to me could happen to them.

Conclusion

I think the CoL should negotiate with the COTTFN with the mindset that both have something important to contribute to the discussions. And I also contend that they need to carefully study what has worked and what has not worked in terms of other urban reserves. I also think that CoL must be ever mindful of the political tensions between the federal government and the COTTFN, as well as the problems I feel have been caused by what I consider to be the Ontario government's racial/political policing methodology. Finally, I recommend that the CoL conduct public consultations regarding this urban reserve issue, particularly if the decision is made to locate one of the reserves in "central London."

Bibliography

Aboriginal Affairs and Northern Development Canada. "Backgrounder: Urban Reserves: A Quiet Success Story." August 14, 2008. aadnc-aandc.gc.ca.

Barron, F. Laurie, and Joseph Garcea, ed. Urban Indian Reserves. Saskatoon: Purich, 1999.

Blatchford, Christie. "Judge slams Ontario police for not breaking up Idle No More protesters." National Post, January 7, 2013. nationalpost.com

Burleton, Derek, and Sonya Gulati. "Debunking myths surrounding Canada's aboriginal population." TD Economics. June 18, 2012.

Cairns, Alan C. First Nations and the Canadian State. Kingston: Queen's University, 2005.

Chippewa Thunderbird. "Big Bear Creek Specific Land Claim" (video). You Tube. March 19, 2013. youtube.com.

Chippewas of the Thames First Nation. "Urgent memo: Notice of Support for Grassroots Movement Against Legislative Attacks." November 28, 2012. cottfn.com.

Curtis, Christopher. "'We believe our future is at stake,' Idle No More movement founder Tanya Kappo says." National Post. December 21, 2012. nationalpost.com.

Curtis, Christopher. "Idle No More founders distance themselves from chiefs." National Post. January 1, 2013. nationalpost.com.

DeBono, Norman. "Chippewas of the Thames First Nation may use its tax-free status to lure industry and undercut London's industrial tax rate." London Free Press. March 26, 2013. lfpress.com.

DeBono, Norman. "Dividing the industry pie." London Free Press. April 7, 2013. lfpress.com.

Friesen, Joe. "Canada's urban aboriginals feel politically unrepresented, poll finds." Globe and Mail. April 6, 2010. globeandmail.com.

Huffmediatalk. "Big Bear Creek Specific Land Claim News Conference" (video). You Tube. March 26, 2013. youtube.com

Idle No More. "Face and Leaders of Idle No More is the Grassroots People." December 31, 2012. idlenomore1.blogspot.ca.

Jeffrey, Tara. "Band council does not support blockade." Sarnia Observer. December 31, 2012. lfpress.com.

King, Hayden. "We natives are deeply divided. There's nothing wrong with that." Globe and Mail. January 9, 2013. globeandmail.com.

LEGISinfo. "C-45." December 14, 2012. parl.gc.ca/LegisInfo/BillDetails,aspx.

O'Brien, Jennifer. "A political scientist who has studied urban reserves says negotiations start with trust." London Free Press. January 30, 2013. lfpress.com.

O'Brien, Jennifer. "Native group turns to social media to engage all 'treaty people.'" London Free Press. January 28, 2013. lfpress.com.

O'Brien, Jennifer. "Native reserve eyed for London." London Free Press, January 30, 2013. lfpress.com.

Oved, Marco Chown. "Thames First Nation to buy land in London for Ontario's first urban reserve." The Star. February 15, 2013. thestar.com.

Richmond, Randy. "Chippewas of the Thames First Nation approves land claim deal." London Free Press. March 26, 2013. lfpress.com.

Saskatoon, City of. "City of Saskatoon Urban Reserves Frequently Asked Questions." ca. 2012. saskatoon.ca.

Sher, Jonathan. "Chippewas of Thames to expand." London Free Press. September 26, 2012. lfpress.com.

Switzer, Maurice. "First urban reserve in London." Anishnawbek News. March 24, 2013. anishnawbeknews.ca.

Walker, Ryan C. "Improving the Interface between Urban Municipalities and Aboriginal Communities." Canadian Journal of Urban Research 17, no 1 (2008).

Young, George. "Ontario First Nation settles 171-year old claim." Windspeaker. 2005. ammsa.com.

A Critique of the Aboriginal Components of "The Mental Health Strategy for Canada"

2012-05-23T15:36:00.:00

The definition for "weed" is "any plant growing in cultivated ground to the injury of the crop or desired vegetation. . .If is isn't in a straight line or marked with a label, it's a weed" (Wiktionary, May 17, 2012).

"Beneficial weeds can accomplish a number of roles in the garden or yard, including fertilizing the soil, increasing moisture, acting as shelter or living mulch, repelling pests, attracting beneficial insects, or serving as food or other resources for human beings" ("List of beneficial weeds," Wikipedia, April 20, 2012).

Spring is one of my favourite times of the year, but there is a down side: looking out my back window to see how many weeds have grown between the cracks in my patio stones. And then the conundrum: how long can I delay pulling them out? My procrastination often includes going for walks in my neighbourhood and enjoying the weeds in their uncultivated habitat in the park near my home. There I do not mind looking at them; in fact, I think some of them are quite beautiful (the photos in this post were taken in the park, May 7, 2012). Besides, weeds can sometimes be beneficial, as explained in the Wikipedia excerpt above.

I think the weed analogy works fairly well in terms of mental illness: it can be disastrous if left unmanaged in certain settings, but it can lead to crucial personal breakthroughs if addressed in others. That is why it has been refreshing to read the increasing number of media reports in which people, including many famous ones, discuss their inward struggles. And I am also very glad that mental health issues are getting an increasing amount of attention in Canada.

The most encouraging manifestation of this is the fact that, on May 8, 2012, the Mental Health Commission of Canada released its report "Changing Directions, Changing Lives: The Mental Health Strategy for Canada." The document is available for download in both full and summary versions. "All people living in Canada have an opportunity to achieve the best possible mental health and well-being" is the strategy's vision statement.

Overall, I am impressed with the report's comprehensiveness. But the authors note that "despite the broad consensus on the key directions for change, there will never be universal agreement on everything that needs to be done or on what should be done in what order." They also acknowledge that it will take time to implement, and that how it will be funded still needs to be determined.

Before this report was unveiled, Canada was the only G8 nation that did not have a blueprint, and I totally agree it was high time to get one. This is mainly because I have personally benefited from the support of mental health care professionals from time to time over the past 12 years, and I would like to see others in need also benefit. My treatment has involved counselling to help me cope with profoundly negative experiences that have adversely affected my well-being. I also took courses through the local branch of the Canadian Mental Health Association so I was better equipped to deal with the mental illness of a person (now deceased) who I had to deal with for various reasons.

I am happy to join the growing chorus of people who have spoken out about their inner struggles. But for every one of us who speaks out, there are probably two more who are either struggling privately or who are in denial about it. The report summary states that "in any given year, one in five people in Canada experiences a mental health problem, with a cost to the economy of well in excess of $50 billion." Yet the summary also notes "only one in three people who experience a mental health problem or illness--and as few as one in four children or youth--report that they have sought and received services and treatment." Fortunately, I recognized that I needed help and sought counselling early on, but far too many let their "demons" take over to the point where their lives spiral out of control.

Although I have greatly benefited from the counselling I have received, I feel the political factors that led to my negative experiences remain largely unaddressed. In my case, these factors have primarily involved aboriginal issues. Yes, I have gained important skills from my counselling, such as mindfulness and cultivating patience. But mental health care practitioners also believe that people who have been traumatized need to feel safe and secure in their personal environment, and I sometimes lack this. This is because of the phenomenal runaround I got when I tried to seek atonement (my "runaround" concerns are covered in a number of my other posts, including my "Aboriginal Issues During the 'Culpability Era'" post). Furthermore, every time I have spoken publicly about the political factors, I have either been subjected to harassment and intimidation, or have been marginalized and ostracized. So, in order to avoid being traumatized again, I generally avoid contact with people who are not helping me to move forward on my healing journey.

(A reader of many of my counterpoise posts said it was more difficult for him to understand my concerns because I did not elaborate on exactly what led to my being victimized. I explained that the reason why I skirt this issue is because if I got specific, I would very likely suffer additional harassment and intimidation.)

I did not find any references in the Mental Health Commission report to my contention that political conflicts can lead to psychological distress. Factors listed are "a complex mix of social, economic, psychological, biological and genetic"--I do not think social does an adequate job of covering this aspect.

The full version of "Changing Directions, Changing Lives" contains 12 pages devoted to First Nations, Inuit and Metis "Streams" (I will concentrate on those relating to First Nations simply for brevity's sake). The First Nations "Stream, Priority 5.1" lays out the historical reasons for First Nations' difficulties, such as colonization, the "60s scoop," and the residential schools.

I am glad there are initiatives in place to help First Nations deal with mental health issues, such as a land-based healing program that combines traditional and mainstream approaches to wellness. But what I do not agree with is the sweeping generalization that "First Nations have a holistic vision of health and well-being that is based on a balance of spiritual, mental, emotional and physical needs, as well as social and economic well-being." I know that many First Nations definitely have this holistic vision, but I do not believe it is true of all.

In addition, I do not think that colonization, the residential schools, et cetera are the reasons why some First Nations lack it. I think this generalization cannot be made because aboriginal tribes were diverse culturally during pre-contact times. Some were matriarchal, some patriarchal, and there was violence and inter-tribal warfare. In addition, bad medicine was practised alongside good medicine (check out the "bad medicine" label in the right sidebar for my posts that mention my concerns about bad medicine).

It is simply not historically accurate to make it sound like aboriginal life pre-contact was a paradise. Yes, there were many wonderful aspects to aboriginal society before European encroachment. But I feel the report gives the impression that most of aboriginals' mental heath woes only started when non-natives arrived on this continent. I think the reasons are far more complex than this. For instance, I have a fair number of media and other reports in my files in which aboriginals state that they or their relatives benefited from being at the residential schools and/or from their interactions with non-aboriginals It is absolutely true that there was a lot of abuse at the residential schools, and massive dysfunction resulted from colonization, but I think the constructive elements of aboriginal/non-aboriginal relations also deserve attention. I think for more healing to occur, there needs to be more recognition of the positive aspects.

I am pleased, however, that Priority 5.4 (which addresses responses to First Nations, Inuit and Metis mental health issues) acknowledges that 50 per cent of aboriginals live in urban and rural centres, and that sometimes aboriginals move to larger centres to escape a negative environment.

The report states that the authors consulted with "national Aboriginal organizations and other stakeholder organizations that represent First Nations, Inuit and Metis." And the references at the end of the strategy include citations for reports prepared by various native organizations past and present, such as the Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples (1996) and the on-going Truth and Reconciliation Commission. I think it is great that the Mental Health Commission consulted with these groups and reviewed their findings, but I feel the strategy's aboriginal "Streams" give too much weight to a political analysis of the situation (see "Note" about this below). This is ironical, considering that the report does not list politics specifically as a mental health factor.

National Health Minister, Leona Aglukkaq, attended the launch for "Changing Directions, Changing Lives," and had this to say in her speech:

This strategy is a call for all of us, across different levels of government, in the corporate world and the volunteer sector, to find ways that each of us can make a difference. No single person, group or government will succeed on its own. . .We must. . .be sure that all issues of mental health are addressed at every level.

My view of "every level" is that the aboriginal "Streams" need not be so heavily cultivated with political weed whackers.

Note

Regarding the Mental Health's Strategy's "First Nations Stream": I would like to have seen more input from people in places like Caledonia and Six Nations, where there have been clashes between aboriginals and non-aboriginals, and mental health problems as a result (check out the "Caledonia" and "Six Nations" labels in the right sidebar to find my previous posts on this conflict). At the end of this post, I have listed just a few of the articles that mention the mental health issues faced by non-native Caledonia residents, either currently or during the past six years.

In addition, I think the "Changing Directions, Changing Lives" authors would have benefited from reading the "Ending Race-Based Policing: The Caledonia Act" report which was presented at a Queen's Park news conference on February 9, 2012. One of the recommendations is that funding be provided for counselling of Caledonia victims.

A copy of the "Caledonia Act" recommendations can be obtained at the link below:

http://voiceofcanada.wordpress.com/2012/02/13/queens-park-news-conference-ngos-stand-with-caledonia-activists-for-release-of-caledonia-act-recommendations/

For further information about the news conference, check out my "Part Two of Two - A Delectable Lie, A Tree and a Way Forward: Multiculturalism and Aboriginal Policy Compared" post.

Bibliography

Blatchford, Christie. "Canada's forgotten family a symbol of national shame." Globe and Mail. October 11, 2008. <globeandmail.com>

_____. "Settlement gives hope to others in Caledonia." Globe and Mail. January 5, 2010. <globeandmail.com>

Canada Newswire. "Changing directions, changing lives: Canada's first mental health blueprint unveiled." May 8, 2012. <canadanewswire.ca>

Health Canada. "Speech for the Honourable Leona Aglukkaq, the Mental Health Commission of Canada Mental Health Strategy." May 8, 2012. <hc-sc.gc.ca>

Humphries, Adrian. "'Lawless oasis' formed in Caledonia: lawsuit." National Post. November 12, 2009. <nationalpost.com>

Jones, Allison. "Police sometimes did not act on Caledonia crimes, court told." The Star. November 13, 2009. <thestar.com>

Killpatrick, Sean. "Minister praises 'milestone' mental-health plan, but will Ottawa fund it?" Globe and Mail. May 8, 2012. <globeandmail.com>

Mental Health Commission of Canada. "Changing Directions, Changing Lives: The Mental Health Strategy for Canada." May 8, 2012. <strategy.mentalhealthcommission.ca>

Scoffield, Heather. "Canada's first-ever mental health strategy will pressure Harper to act." Global News. May 7, 2012. <globalnews.ca>

Vandermaas, Mark. "Listening to Victims: A Fresh Approach to Healing and Reconciliation." Caledonia Victims Project. May 4, 2010. <caledoniavictimsproject.wordpress.com>

Wong, Danielle. "Caledonia homeowners seek compensation from province, OPP." The Spec. August 1, 2011. <thespec.com>

Caledonia and Six Nations: Majority Opposed April 28, 2012 "Parade"

2012-05-21T09:12:00.:00

The Grand River land dispute includes 40 hectares in Caledonia. Caledonia is located in Haldimand County, in Southern Ontario. Henco Industries originally planned to build a residential subdivision, to be called Douglas Creek Estates (DCE), on this land. But some aboriginals at the Six Nations reserve claimed that this land was never surrendered and started an occupation there on February 28, 2006; the occupation continues to this day. The federal government maintains that the land was properly surrendered in 1841, and sold in 1844. The Six Nations elected council agrees with the government's contention, but maintains there should be "fair compensation." However, the Haudenosaunee Confederacy (traditional) Council asserts that the signatories to the sale were deceived (Blatchford, p. 27). Toby Barrett, the Haldimand-Norfolk Conservative MPP, stated in a February 29, 2012 news release that "there are a number of valid land claims along the Haldimand tract area but not on Douglas Creek Estates." On the sixth anniversary of the standoff, Barrett announced that Haldimand County had lost 650 residents partly because of the "dismal economic conditions locally and the erosion of justice, rule of law and democractic process" that have resulted from the occupation of the former DCE.

Many of the best recommendations for improving the aboriginal situation originate with natives who recognize that changing things for the better is a two-way street. They acknowledge that all the blame for native woes cannot be placed on non-natives' shoulders. Tsimshian lawyer and entrepreneur, Calvin Helin's, book Dances With Dependency (2006) is filled with numerous insights that I share. Cree Don Sandberg wrote lots of excellent articles for his former employer, the Frontier Centre for Public Policy, and continues to write ground-breaking pieces for media outlets like the Winnipeg Free Press and National Post. Helen Miller, a Six Nations elected band councilor, has had a couple of her powerful letters published in the Brantford Expositor and Turtle Island News.

But I also believe that non-aboriginals have a role to play in recommending solutions. In my case, I am speaking from two generations of experience dating back to the late 1950s, and as someone who worked in aboriginal organizations in different parts of Canada for about 12 years. And Sandberg believes people like me should speak out. In a January 2, 2011 National Post article, he was asked his opinion as to what should be done about aboriginal accountability problems. He responded with "[t]he strongest voice aboriginal reformers have is the non-aboriginal taxpaying public, who can let their elected officials know something has got to be done. Because we know the government itself does not listen to grassroots native people."

Fortunately, at Caledonia and Six Nations, many aboriginals and non-aboriginals found common ground in their opposition to an outrageous April 28, 2012 "parade" through Caledonia, orchestrated by a group of mostly non-natives from other parts of Southern Ontario. One of the parade organizers was Tom Keefer who has been involved with the DCE protests since April 20, 2006. Caledonia activist Mark Vandermaas described Keefer and his allies as a "gang of anarchists, Marxists, radical unionists, and anti-Israel groups who have been supporting the lawlessness in Caledonia since nearly the beginning."

http://voiceofcanada.wordpress.com/2012/04/27/dear-caledonia-residents-about-tom-keefer-tomorrows-takeover-of-caledonias-streets/

A media release issued by the march organizers said that participation included representatives from Six Nations as well as non-natives from eight Southern Ontario cities, and that as many as 1,000 could be expected (Day, Dunnville, April 18, 2012; Gamble, Brantford April 27, 2012).

Although local and regional news outlets in the Caledonia area paid considerable attention to the discussions before, during and after the march, it received virtually no coverage outside of those areas. But I think it is important to draw attention to it because it is a very encouraging development.

I first learned about the march through some correspondence I received from Canadian Advocates for Charter Equality (CANACE) Executive Director Gary McHale and Caledonia Victims Project Founder Mark Vandermaas. Both activists said their groups would not be present at the march because they did not believe in interfering with events initiated by natives. However, McHale and Vandermaas did organize a protest the week before, on April 21, at which Vandermaas and another Caledonia activist Jeff Parkinson were arrested. You can read about their unwarranted detainments at the following links:

http://caledoniawakeupcall.wordpress.com/2012/04/24/video-two-arrested-for-race-in-caledonia/

http://voiceofcanada.wordpress.com/2012/04/27/vandermaas-email-to-opp-officer-re-april-21-dce-rally-before-two-breach-of-peace-arrests/

Haldimand County Mayor Ken Hewitt made it clear he did not agree with the April 28 "parade" in his April 3, 2012 article in the Sachem. He said "[f]or most of us who live here, we need not be reminded of the time that has elapsed when assessing the absolute abysmal failure of government. We do not need people coming from other regions to parade through our community in order to satisfy their personal agenda."

Dr. David K. Faux, a Caledonia resident whose maternal ancestry includes a Six Nations Mohawk clan mother, also raised concerns about the march. In his April 10, 2012 letter to the Sachem, he said that the '''parade' is a euphemism for 'protest march.'" He went on to say that the "'parade' organizers have an agenda and we (collectively known as 'settlers') are to be at the receiving end of their anti-establishment aims and aspirations. DCE is just a matter of convenience to them."

Six Nations elected Chief William Montour was not able to get a resolution passed through his 12-member council opposing the march, but he said his feeling was that "our people are starting to get over 2006" and that the march could "create havoc" (Vo, Sachem, April 17, 2012).

The day before the march, Vandermaas sent an email to his Caledonia mailing list, in which he said:

Tomorrow the people who terrorized your town and those who support them will march in a propaganda effort to convince the victims they created to submit to their twisted logic that you are responsible for the violence against you and your town.

In this post, he also made reference to a July 14, 2009 letter that Helen Miller wrote to the Brantford Expositor, in which she said that certain groups at Six Nations, such as the Mohawk Warriors, "were not elected, appointed or authorized by the people of Six Nations to be their representatives or to speak on their behalf."

http://voiceofcanada.wordpress.com/2012/04/27/dear-caledonia-residents-about-tom-keefer-tomorrows-takeover-of-caledonias-streets/

There were other aboriginal and non-aboriginal people who spoke out against the march. If you want to read more about it, you can refer to the bibliography below.

Although the parade organizers announced ahead of time that 1,000 people could be expected, only about 400-500, most of them non-natives, actually showed up (Wong, Spec, April 28, 2012; Pearce and Day, Dunnville, April 29, 2012; Pearce, Dunnville, April 29, 2012).

At the event, Faux carried a sign that stated in Mohawk and English "that 98 per cent of Six Nations and Caledonia want nothing to do with the march." In his May 9, 2012 letter to the Spec, he said:

The sea of Palestinian, Black Panther, Communist Party of Canada and CUPE flags (what is my former union doing with its members' wages?) give an excellent indication as to who was at the march. As someone with a foot in both the Caledonia and Six Nations communities, I will proposing a new approach to dealing with the problem since the folks in Ottawa seem to be a bit tardy in getting on with land claims negotiations.

I hope that Faux succeeds. I think he will be building on the work of Caledonia activists, such as McHale, Vandermaas and Parkinson, who laboured for years, often suffering taunts and abuse, before they started to get some recognition from the media and general public.

The mixture of aboriginal and non-aboriginal opposition to the April 28, 2012 march also signals that many residents of Caledonia and Six Nations realize they need to come up with their own solutions. I am greatly relieved to hear this.

Bibliography

Barrett, Toby. "Occupy Caledonia will be six years February 28," February 28, 2012. <tobybarrett.com>

_____. "There is no valid claim on DCE." February 29, 2012. <tobybarrett.com>

Blatchford, Christie. Helpless. Toronto: Doubleday, 2010.

Day, Matt. "Caledonia reacts to peace walk." Dunnville Chronicle. April 29, 2012. <dunnvillechronicle.com>

_____. "No injunction for Caledonia rally organizers." Dunnville Chronicle. April 18, 2012. <dunnvillechronicle.com>

_____. "Planned Caledonia rally has Hewitt upset." Dunnville Chronicle. April 13, 2012. <dunnvillechronicle.com>

_____. "Two arrested during CANACE rally Saturday." Dunnville Chronicle. April 23, 2012. <dunnvillechronicle.com>

Faux, David K. "Caledonia march is opposed by mayor, chief" [Letter]. Hamilton Spectator. May 9, 2012. <thespec.com>

_____. "'Parade' euphemism for 'protest march'" [Letter]. Sachem. April 10, 2012. <sachem.ca>

Foot, Richard. "Reserves look within for fix to accountability problems." National Post. January 2, 2011. <nationalpost.com>

Gamble, Susan. "Thousands expected for Caledonia peace march." Brantford Expositor. April 27, 2012. <brantfordexpositor.ca>

Helin, Calvin. Dances With Dependency. Vancouver: Orca Spirit, 2006.

Hewitt, Ken. "Hewitt: DCE a quagmire." Sachem. April 3, 2012. <sachem.ca>

_____. "What's April 28 march really about?" Sachem. April 17, 2012. <sachem.ca>

Miller, Helen. "Only elected council can speak for Six Nations" [Letter]. Brantford Expositor. July 14, 2009. <brantfordexpositor.ca>

Parkinson, Jeff. "Video--Two arrested for race in Caledonia." April 24, 2012. <caledoniawakeupcall.wordpress.com>

Pearce, Daniel R. "Hundreds take part in Caledonia peace march." Simcoe Reformer. April 29, 2012. <simcoereformer.ca>

Pearce, Daniel and Matt Day. "Caledonia reacts to peace walk." Dunnville Chronicle. April 29, 2012. <dunnvillechronicle.com>

Vandermaas, Mark. "Dear Caledonia residents--about Tom Keefer. . ." April 27, 2012. <voiceofcanada.ca>

_____. "Email to OPP officer re April 21 DCE rally before two 'breach of peace' arrests." April 27, 2012. <voiceofcanada.ca>

Vo, Jennifer. "Coalition planning April parade in Caledonia." Sachem. April 3, 2012. <sachem.ca>

_____. "Parade rubbing salt in old wounds says Chief Montour." Sachem. April 17, 2012. <sachem.ca>

Wong, Danielle. "Friendship walk peaceful, but Caledonia residents fear wounds reopened." Hamilton Spectator. April 28, 2012. <thespec.com>

Israel Truth Week Conference 2012 and Its Connection With the Caledonia Crisis

2012-04-01T13:02:00.:00

[Two of the photos in this post were provided courtesy of David Strutt Photography (www.DStruttPhotography.com) and IsraelTruthWeek,org.]

Mark Vandermaas - Voice of Canada and Caledonia Victims Project

Since October 2006, Caledonia activist Mark Vandermaas has maintained the VoiceofCanada.ca website. And since March 2010, he has also run the CaledoniaVictimsProject.ca site. At both places he has posted many of his justifiable concerns regarding the occupation of the former Douglas Creek Estates (DCE) by Six Nations extremists at Caledonia, Ontario. I have covered some of the issues he and the other Caledonia activists have raised in my "David Peterson and the Caledonia Crisis," April 4, 2011 post; "Aboriginal Issues During the 'Culpability Era,'" September 5, 2011 post, and "Part Two of Two - A Delectable Lie, a Tree and a Way Forward: Multiculturalism and Aboriginal Policy Compared," February 22, 2012 post.

When he first got involved with the Caledonia crisis, Vandermaas raised alarm bells about the fact that the Ontario government and the Ontario Provincial Police (OPP) were applying two different sets of laws at Caledonia--one for the non-natives who lived there and another for the aboriginal extremists who terrorized the residents, particularly those residents who live on the Sixth Line. He is still sounding the alarm on this, but he and his fellow activists, including Gary McHale, have also concluded there are pro-Palestinian/anti-Jewish forces that are negatively influencing the direction the aboriginal occupiers and their supporters are taking in Caledonia.

Vandermaas's support for Israel and the Jewish people stretches back to his childhood. His parents lived in Nazi-occupied Holland during WWII and saw Jews taken away. He grew up learning about the Holocaust, and came to understand that "enforcing laws based on race is inherently evil and dangerous." This understanding was solidified when, in 1978, he served with a United Nations peacekeeping force. The UN mission's goal was to preserve peace between Egypt and Israel. He "drove through. . .mine fields on the way to Gaza" and saw "the burnt-out tanks in the desert from the wars waged against Israel." As a result, he "knows the price of losing the rule of law and how important it is to democracy. Israel has both."

Decision to Found the Israel Truth Week Conference 2012

Vandermaas founded the conference after hearing the "pain and bewilderment" Jewish people and their supporters felt about the lies being spread during Israel Apartheid Week (IAW) events." IAW events are held on university campuses across Canada in February or March. IAW proponents claim that they are educating people about Israel's being an apartheid state, but its opponents say that Israel is not apartheid; it is a democracy where the rule of law is maintained.

(Note: on March 7, 2012, both the Canadian federal Conservatives and Liberals denounced IAW (http://www.torontosun.com/2012/03/07/tories-liberals-oppose-israel-apartheid-week).

Vandermaas said his "hand was truly forced" when he read a February 9, 2012 Jewish Tribune article "about how Western University [in London, Ontario] campus police refused to stop IAW supporters from shutting down an event organized by Israel on Campus." He met with Avi Braemer of Israel on Campus and Bramer "expressed his desire that Jewish students and families know they are not alone, that people in the community are willing to stand up for them and for Israel."

Vandermaas also wanted to draw parallels between the Caledonia situation and the oppression faced by many Jewish students on campus. He said "it is supremacist ideology in its purest and most evil form--to pretend that innocent victims of one race don't matter because the other race's cause is truly just. Where have we heard THAT before?"

He explains:

What has never been admitted publicly by the OPP or the Ontario government is that native militants are being aided by a coalition of anarchists, radical unionists, and anti-Israel groups led by an anarchist named Tom Keefer from Local 3903 of the Canadian Union of Public Employees (CUPE) at York University. . .Keefer and CUPE 3903 - with help from other locals from CUPE; CAW; OPSEU; CEP; and USW - began supporting native radicals in Caledonia after the failed OPP raid of April 20/06 when police were driven off the Caledonia site after being attacked with weapons.

By this time, according to OPP testimony, the site was taken over by Mohawk Warriors which police considered to be "akin to the Hell's Angels" -- a group which was involved with organized crime, cigarette running, with a reputation for physical confrontation and access to guns, including assault rifles.

Israel Truth Week Conference, London, Ontario, March 21, 2012

The conference was held at Royal View Church and was sponsored by International Free Press Society-Canada. The Jewish Defense League provided security. Presenters were (in order of appearance):

• Rev. Joe Campbell, National Director of Development, Christians for Israel
• Mary Lou Ambrogio, VP, International Free Press Society-Canada
• Avi Braemer, Israel on Campus/Hillel, Western University
• Al Gretzky, Communication Director, International Free Press Society-Canada
• Andrew Lawton, Editor-in-Chief, Landmark Report
• Stuart Laughton, Never Again Group
• Gary McHale, Canadian Advocates for Charter Equality
• Pesach Ovadyah, BA (Western University graduate/Jewish Defense League)
• Dr. Salim Mansur, Professor, Western University
• Rabbi Jonathan Hausman, Ahavath Torah Congregation, Stoughton, Massachusetts

Weinstain, Mansur, Hausman, Vandermaas, Ambrogio, Campbell, Ovadyah, McHale

To view the complete agenda, including sponsors and contributors, go to:

http://israeltruthweek.wordpress.com/conference/

Approximately 65 people attended (including presenters, contributors and volunteers) from Toronto, Hamilton, Caledonia, Chatham, as well as London and the surrounding area. Rabbi Hausman came from Massachusetts.

Laughton, Vandermaas, Hausman, Gretzky

There were sessions held in both the afternoon and evening, but I only attended the afternoon session. Due to time limitations, I will only be summarizing the presentation by Vandermaas, with brief mention of Al Gretzky's. In addition, I will include excerpts from an interview I conducted with Gary McHale at the end of the afternoon session.

Finally, I will be presenting highlights from my email exchange with Caledonia resident Bonnie Stephens after the conference (Stephens was a conference volunteer). Stephens has participated in the rallies organized by the Caledonia activists, and, in fact, was one of the "Caledonia Eight" arrested on December 3, 2011.

Vandermaas's Presentation - "'Israel Truth Week' : born of Nazi-occupied Holland and the Caledonia crisis"

Some excerpts:

. . .It is difficult to convey the absolute terror, hopelessness, trauma and sense of betrayal the people of Caledonia feel to this day. Perhaps it is enough to tell you that Pam Dudych must take medication and go to counseling; Pam's mother takes medication for her diagnosis of post traumatic stress disorder and has attempted suicide; Pam's father has had a heart attack; the family business is in ruins, and they cannot leave because they cannot sell their house.

. . .The first Jewish group to come and stand with us in Caledonia was the Never Again Group from Hamilton in 2011. Actually they are 1/2 Jewish, 1/2 non-Jewish. Last night they held their first anti-IAW event at McMaster University, which was a terrific success. Many of them are here today and I am grateful for their support.

. . .[T]hose responsible for the violence in Caledonia have done their best for the past 6 years to deny the humanity of their victims by pretending they don't exist, all the while viciously attacking those of us who speak for them. . .

. . .[W]hat about the native leaders who recently met with the Iranian Ambassador in Ottawa? One of them is Terrance Nelson who once said that the only way to deal with a white man is to pick up a gun and get between him and his money. I wonder. . .what sort of aid from Iran were they looking for, do you think?

I hope you now better understand that when you help the fight for civil rights for non-Jews in Caledonia who are the innocent victims of a small group of native militants and the Ontario government that appeases them, you are also helping to defeat the sworn enemies of Israel trying to destroy everything you believe is right in your own backyard.

Al Gretzky - "Free Speech: Victim of Neutrality Between the Lawful and the Lawless"

Gretzky said that in terms of the rule of law, "it is impossible to have one without the other." He provided the examples of Geert Wilders (in the Netherlands "a supposedly rule of law country"), and Tommy Robinson (in England "the cradle of our democracy") as two individuals who have had their free speech severely curtailed. And he added that in Canada "we've got no reason to be smug, none whatsoever--just ask Mark Steyn and Ann Coulter." He noted that what all these "supposed free countries" have in common is "growing civil unrest because of lack of freedom of speech and rule of law."

He referred to Saudi Arabia, Syria and Pakistan, to show what can happen when there is no rule of law. He then spoke of Caledonia "where you can get arrested walking down the street with a Canadian flag--just ask Mark [Vandermaas] and Gary [McHale]." Gretsky went down to Caledonia in June 2011 and said to Vandermaas on the way back "I didn't think I was in Canada. I could not believe what was going on. And that's because we refuse to stand up for the rule of law."

Gary McHale - Interview with counterpoise

counterpoise: . . .People are so afraid of giving up their security. . .but I think what you've been able to prove is that the more you stick up for what you believe, it can come back and benefit you.

McHale: It can. I rarely talk about my Christian faith in interviews because I don't believe the modern media is going to represent my views properly. And though it motivates me to do what I do, it is not really part of the issue in the sense that. . .I believe fundamentally most Canadians believe in freedoms.

. . .I didn't become a Christian until I was 21, and that was a very hard thing to do in my family. It created major problems within the family. But as I've been a Christian now for 30 years, there comes a time for most Christians when they say "what am I prepared to do, to take a stand for what I believe in.". . .As a Christian, I have to understand that if I'm going to take a stand, my money could be touched, my reputation could be touched, my health could be touched.

. . .[As Christians,] we believe that peaceful ways can overcome, that truth can overcome the hatred and the anger. And I had to see whether or not I could put that in practice. . .My wife and I had to sit down and say "this is dangerous." The bank foreclosed on our condo, we lost our entire investment in the condo--that's a hard decision--and at each level of time, we could say we're going to give up the fight and go back to our stable lifestyle. . .Ultimately as a person, I could do that quite easily; as a Christian, I couldn't do that. . .I had to make the decision where am I really going to stand.

. . .It's not a decision you make day one. . .it's kind of like a progression. First thing I did was I wanted to set up a website, put some photos up. And suddenly I was the object of everyone's hate. But the darkest hours come when the people you are fighting for are equally the ones that are spitting in your face. . .[A]bout a year into the occupation, the residents [were] so tired of the occupation, so tired of the violence, so tired of the intimidation. . .that they [lashed] out at anyone they [perceived] might be agitating the situation. All they [wanted was] everyone to go away, including that Gary McHale. . .So the very people who first support you, abandon you, and that's when you really know whether you're going to fight the battle.

This is why this [the conference] is so great. [I]t has taken so long for us to get groups to come together. And to get the media on board, that is so important. . .We're almost at the promised land, the way I'm seeing it now. Back then it was the dark ages when everyone abandoned us. . .Then Mark steps forward. . .Merlyn Kinrade. . .These people have stood with us and they're equally to be credited. I get so much credit for all the things Mark does. He's the silent guy behind the scenes. . .We understand as a group, that when you give credit to the leader, it helps the overall cause. . .But a lot of these people work so much in the background.

Bonnie Stephens, Caledonia Resident and Conference Volunteer

Stephens, Christine McHale, Debbie Vandermaas

Excerpts from Stephens's emails to me, March 22 to 27, 2012:

. . .I was not at the early rallies in Caledonia when Gary, Mark. . .and others stood up for the rule of law, but rather, I am a product of their brave initiative. [When trouble first broke out at Caledonia, the people I know there] were too confused and afraid to know what to do. . .People I know were shocked because the OPP were not stopping the criminal actions. . .Personally, I didn't know what to make of the OPP not stepping in. I thought they must be organizing a giant operation to arrest the bad guys, but they didn't. . .I do think that some people - both in Caledonia and on Six Nations - were likely afraid of what more these thugs might do. And angry.

. . .[I read Christie Blatchford's book about the Caledonia crisis, Helpless (2010)], and was thankful that she had written it. . .[I was disgusted when her] first speaking engagement at the University of Waterloo [was cancelled, November 10, 2010, due to a protest by a small group of students]. I wrote a letter to the president of the university about it. I did attend the second time to add my support for Christie [the presentation was rescheduled for December 7, 2010, and went ahead smoothly].

There is a lot of "racist, racist, racist" chanted at us [at the rallies organized by the Caledonia activists] which is disgusting to me. . .I support what Gary is trying to do, so when they accuse him of something then they are accusing me of the same thing. I refer you to CanaceHD for specific examples.

. . .Israel Truth Week showed me the macro and micro views of antisemitism; that it is growing worldwide and in Canada and that IAW in our universities is a result of this trend. The speakers told us practical ways that each of us can combat antisemitism. . .So adding in this new information, the connection becomes clearer to me. When violence and intimidation broke out at Caledonia and some residents needed protection. . .the police failed to protect them. On campus (and elsewhere. . .) the people in authority fail to protect students being harmed in the same, albeit less violent, way.

Afterthoughts

In June 2007, I first contacted Vandermaas and McHale to lend my support. And in September 2007, I also started corresponding with Jeff Parkinson who does the great videography work on CanaceHD. I have lost some friendships and acquaintances because of my association with these people. But fortunately I have gained others. As Stephens said "I think anyone who speaks out about what is occurring in Caledonia is brave and valuable for shining light on what is happening here." Vandermaas, Gretzky, McHale and Stephens are certainly far braver than me. But I think McHale is right that the conference means "we're almost at the promised land." I vividly recall the "dark ages" when the activists had little to no backing from the general public and the media. But a growing number of people are joining the fight to preserve Canada's freedom of speech and rule of law. We all need to join this fight, not just for ourselves, but for future generations.

[Check in the right sidebar for links to many of the organizations and/or resources mentioned in this post.]

Canadian Copyright Law's Fair Dealing Provisions and www.counterpoise.ca

2012-03-16T12:17:00.:00

Updated April 9, 2015

I own the copyright to all my posts and any use of my writing is only in terms of Canada's fair dealing provisions, as stated in the Canadian Copyright Act. These provisions include:

• "research or private study" (Section 29)
• "criticism or review" (Section 29.1)
• "news reporting" (Section 29.2)

Any other use could constitute infringement. For further information on fair dealing, please refer to the Canadian Copyright Act on the Government of Canada site.

Part Two of Two - A Delectable Lie, a Tree and a Way Forward: Multiculturalism and Aboriginal Policy Compared

2012-02-22T14:44:00.:00

Updated, June 27, 2018, 11:10A EDT: Since this blog post was written, I have instituted a policy of not including links to other people's blogs or websites on my blog. Consequently, links that appeared in the original February 22, 2012 post have been removed. In their place, I have created citations in the bibliography, where the information can be found. The parts of my blog that have been updated are in red font.

As mentioned in part one, I see similarities between Salim Mansur's concerns about multiculturalism (as expressed in his book Delectable Lie) and my concerns about some aspects of current aboriginal policy in Canada.

In both cases, the government enacted legislation in order to gain support from the immigrant and aboriginal communities. The officials involved wanted to appease those who felt Quebec was getting preferential treatment in constitutional discussions, e.g., those who believed Canada was more than two founding nations. In addition, politicians wanted to get all sides on board so that constitutional negotiations could be finalized.

The evolutionary climate of the last 40 years of the 20th century gave legislators the idea that it was OK to tinker with liberalism so that societal changes could be accommodated. But Mansur feels that caving in to the demands of special interest groups results in a weakening of the small l liberalism that is important for maintaining freedom and individual rights in a democratic society.

In fact, it is not just small l liberalism that is at stake, but the security of the country. There are increasing reports that Islamist and/or pro-Palestinian/anti-Jewish forces are involved with aboriginal protests.

Pro-Palestinian/Anti-Jewish Groups and the Six Nations Occupiers at Caledonia

One of the most glaring examples of this is the nearly six-year occupation by Six Nations militants of the former Douglas Creek Estates (DCE) at Caledonia, Ontario. You can read my "David Peterson and the Caledonia Crisis" post for more information about this crisis.

In a February 1, 2012 article, Caledonia activist Gary McHale said "when the occupation of DCE first started five Palestinian groups helped finance the occupation, and a Palestinian flag was raised on DCE. . .Since then anti-Israel protesters were seen at DCE. . .At McMaster [University] the same protesters on DCE are organizing Six Nations/Palestinian struggle events."

You can read McHale's article in:

Voice of Canada. No Blacks, Whites or Jews Allowed. . .February 5, 2012. The full citation for this can be found in the bibliography at the end of this post.

As McHale explains in the article, some members of the Jewish community have been following this issue with deep concern. In fact, representatives of the Hamilton-based Never Again Group, which defends Israel and fights anti-Semitism, have been present at events organized by the Caledonia activists.

"Ending Race-Based Policing: The Caledonia Act"

On February 9, 2012, Toby Barrett, the MPP for Haldimand County (which includes Caledonia), provided the Queen's Park Media Studio for the following people to make presentations about the topic "Ending Race-Based Policing: The Caledonia Act."

1.   Gary McHale, Canadian Advocates for Charter Equality (CANACE)
2.   Stuart Laughton, Never Again Group
3.   Mary Lou Ambrogio, International Free Press Society-Canada vice-president
4.   Kristin Kaye, Caledonia-based Regional News reporter

You can find out more about the event and presentations in the following entries at Voice of Canada:

Queen's Park news conference. . .February 13, 2012

Stuart Laughton. . .February 13, 2012

Mary-Lou Ambrogio. . .February 13, 2012

The full citations for the above entries can be found in the bibliography at the end of this post.

As Laughton says:

I want to stress that my group has made no opposition to the Natives who make land claims: we only protest the violent manner in which the claims to the Caledonia property were made and the racially skewed responses of the Ontario government. . .Will our next premier instruct police not to enter predominantly Muslim areas of our major cities, and allow microstates governed by Islamic Sharia law to flourish there? . .We also have to consider the effect that racially biased policing has on those Native Canadians, Tamils, Muslims, and others who ask for no special favours and want nothing to do with the more militant members of their community. Who speaks for them? . .Our citizenry consists of millions and millions and millions of individuals and those INDIVIDUALS are the ultimate minorities. Each of us has to be treated impartially before the law.

I completely agree with Laughton. I am generally very supportive of the need by aboriginals to lobby for their rights, and to receive just compensation with regards to property, social justice, and other issues of concern. But the events at Caledonia, in particular, have made me realize that the process of aboriginals lobbying for their rights can easily get sidetracked by those, like pro-Palestinian/anti-Jewish forces, who have an agenda that may not be in keeping with what all the people at Six Nations want.

Furthermore, what about the third of aboriginals who do not identify themselves as such in the federal census? Do they share the views of the Six Nations occupiers and their supporters? See my "Canadian Aboriginal Integration is Better than Assimilation or Parallelism" post for more information about this, and some related information.

Protecting the Rights of Individuals

One of the tests Mansur recommends for determining if a culture is of equal merit and deserves equal respect, is to see how the culture protects individuals (you can find a discussion of this in part one). The bottom line is, how well is the Ontario government upholding the rights of the Caledonia residents, and, indeed, the rights of the Six Nations residents who are not participating in the occupation?

"Caring Measures" More Important than Attaining "Stratospheric Rights"

Australian anthropologist and linguist, Peter Sutton, has more than 40 years experience with the Aborigines in Australia. His book, The Politics of Suffering: Indigenous Australia and the end of the liberal consensus (2009, 2011), is filled with many insights that I share. Marcia Langton, the Aborigine scholar who penned a foreword for the book, also echoes his concerns.

Sutton complains that too many politicians, lawyers, and activists insist that Aborigines will not be truly happy and fulfilled until all outstanding issues, such as social justice, treaty and reconciliation, have been met. He responds with ". . .[t]his unscientific mumbo jumbo beggars belief. . .Caring measures. . .rather than documentary measures based on increasingly stratospheric rights. . .lie at the effective end of realistic processes of improvement."

I do not know if Sutton is aware of the Caledonia situation, or if he has read and agrees with the concerns expressed in Mansur's book, Delectable Lie. Therefore, I do not want to imply that he shares the opinions expressed in this post. His words, nevertheless, resonate with me in terms of what I see is wrong, not only at Caledonia, but also what I often find is counterproductive regarding aboriginal policy development.

"Caring Measures" We Can Learn from the Six Nations Occupiers' Dog

CANACE videographer, Jeff Parkinson, took footage, entitled "CANACE attacked on DCE," of a February 18, 2012 hostile encounter between the Six Nations occupiers and non-native residents who were objecting to the occupation. You can find the video for this at:

Voice of Canada. McHale arrested. . .February 19, 2012. The full citation for this can be found in the bibliography.

As you will see if you look at the video, there was a lot of swearing, shouting and violence.

But photographer David Strutt was there, and was able to capture a more positive moment. You can find the photos for this at:

Voice of Canada. David Strutt photos. . .February 22, 2012. The full citation for this can be found in the bibliography.

This was when the Six Nations occupiers' dog welcomed Gary McHale. Vandermaas said: "[f]or this one moment all the hostility evaporated. David saw that the dog didn't understand hate; it didn't judge us [Caledonia activists] by the DNA running in our blood beneath our white skin. It just saw a friend. And David saw hope."

I think this dog can teach us all a few things about hope--and "caring measures."

A Way Forward

Here is a photo I took last summer, of a path in a park near my home:

It reminds me of the fact there is always a chance we will pull ourselves out of this mess, that we will find a way forward to a more peaceful solution.

Bibliography

Blatchford, Christie. Helpless: Caledonia's Nightmare of Fear and Anarchy, and How the Law Failed All of Us. Doubleday Canada, 2010.

McHale, Gary. Victory in the No-Go Zone: Winning the Fight Against Two-Tier Policing. St. Catharines, Ontario: Freedom Press, 2013.

Voice of Canada. David Strutt photos: Caledonia 8 make history on Douglas Creek Estates in Caledonia, February 22, 2012. voiceofcanada.wordpress.com

Voice of Canada. Mary-Lou Ambrogio, International Free Press Society 'connects the dots' w/speech at Queen's Park Caledonia Act news conference, February 13, 2012. voiceofcanada.wordpress.com

Voice of Canada. McHale arrested in Caledonia because Native man assaults 77 yr old former Navy vet/UN peacekeeper and OPP officers, February 19, 2012. voiceofcanada.wordpress.com

Voice of Canada. 'No Blacks, Jews or Whites Allowed by Order of McGuinty" - by Gary McHale, February 5, 2012. voiceofcanada.wordpress.com

Voice of Canada. Queen's Park news conference - NGO's stand with Caledonia activists for release of Caledonia Act recommendations to end racial profiling, February 13, 2012. voiceofcanada.wordpress.com

Voice of Canada. Stuart Laughton, Never Again Group speech at Caledonia Act news conference: individuals are the ultimate minorities, February 13, 2012. voiceofcanada.wordpress.com

A Delectable Lie, a Tree and a Way Forward: Multiculturalism and Aboriginal Policy Compared - Part One of Two

2012-02-20T12:34:00.:00

This is part one of two posts on this topic.

Some Significant Dates Regarding Multiculturalism and Aboriginal Policy

1876 Indian Act (still in effect today)--mostly affects Status on-reserve Indians (aboriginals)

1955 and prior Status Indians had to enfranchise (give up their Indian status) when they graduated from college or university

1960 Status Indians given the right to vote

1969 Trudeau government issued the Statement of the Government of Canada on Indian Policy (a.k.a. the White Paper), which advocated assimilation of aboriginals into Canadian society, the repeal of the Indian Act, and the end of treaty negotiations

1969-1970 Some aboriginal organizations denounced the White Paper and countered with Citizens Plus (a.k.a. the Red Paper), which recommended greater involvement of aboriginals in decision-making about them

1970s onward Government funding provided to native organizations for land claims and self-government work

1971 Multiculturalism Policy of Canada proclaimed

1982 Multiculturalism entrenched in the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms

1982 Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms bolstered aboriginal collective rights as opposed to the rights of aboriginal individuals

1985 Air India Boeing 747 bombed, killing 329 passengers and crew. Most of the passengers were Canadian citizens of East Indian origin. Bomb believed to have been planted by Sikh terrorists, but two suspects were acquitted

1988 Canadian Multiculturalism Act

2006 CSIS arrested 18 young men in the Toronto area, on charges of planning Islamist terrorist attacks

2008 Prime Minister Stephen Harper "made a Statement of Apology to former students of Indian Residential Schools, on behalf of the Government of Canada"

2010 Canada joined other countries "in supporting the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples"

As you can see from the above chronology, a great percentage of Canada's multiculturalism and aboriginal policy development occurred during the 1970s to 1980s. And I contend this is not the only thing the two issues have in common. I have come to this conclusion after reading Salim Mansur's groundbreaking book Delectable Lie: a liberal repudiation of multiculturalism.

Mansur is a political science professor at Western University (formerly the University of Western Ontario) in London, Ontario. He is also a Sun Media columnist. In 1971, his mother, younger siblings and he managed to flee from a genocidal civil war in South Asia. He witnessed savage killings, and considered himself lucky to have got out of it alive. This was the second time his family had been thrown into the "maelstrom of ethnically driven politics"--the first was during the 1947 Partition of India.

In 1974, Mansur came to Canada. Here he found "safety, support and an opportunity to begin a new life" as a moderate Sunni Muslim who has denounced Islamism (radical Islam). He says "Islamism. . .is. . .a mutation of a violent strain of Muslim-religious thought and practice that might be traced back to the earliest years of Islam."

He describes himself as a "naturalized citizen of Canada that is an integral part of the West as a civilization distinct from other civilizations and cultures." But he provides ample evidence to prove that the values that drew him to this country in the first place, (e.g., (small l) liberal democracy and freedom of speech), are being eroded by "identity politics" and collectivism.

As Mansur says:

although multiculturalism once seemed like a good idea, at least to politicians and others smitten with the ambition for unity, it is increasingly shown to be a lie--a delectable lie, perhaps, yet a lie nevertheless--that is destructive to the West's democratic heritage, values and traditions based on individual rights and freedoms. This could have been foretold, as indeed those philosophers and historians of ideas who viewed freedom as immeasurably more important than equality in the development of the West did foretell. They admonished people against the temptation to abridge freedom in pursuit of equality.

Mansur's arguments can be summarized as follows:

A.1        All cultures are not equal. ". . .[T]he worm inside the doctrine of multiculturalism is the lie that all cultures are worthy of equal respect and equally embracing of individual freedom and democracy. The concerted assault by the Islamists on the essential and life-affirming values based on individual rights and freedoms is proof of this lie. . .[T]here are established criteria making it possible to judge the achievements of all cultures. . .but the primary criterion that makes possible all human achievement is freedom."

A.2       Two tests can be applied regarding cultural equality. There are two tests that can be applied to determine if a culture is of equal merit and deserves equal respect: protection of the rights of the individual, and the treatment of women.

A.2.1 Rights of individuals. Islamists do not protect the rights of individuals. They believe in silencing their critics, including within the Muslim community. They will go to extreme lengths in order to achieve this, including murdering those who criticize them.

A.2.2      Treatment of women. Islamists practise shariah (a.k.a. shari'ah) law, which restricts the actions of women and non-Muslims, and is considered misogynist and overly punitive by its critics.

A.3         Enemies of the West can weaken Canada from within. "There are enemies of the West who hate its civic culture, its freedom and democracy, as do the Islamists who organized the terrorist strikes on 9/11. And ironically these enemies find that multiculturalism increasingly in the post-9/11 world works in tandem with their interests to weaken the West politically and culturally from the inside."

A.4         Old World conflicts brought to Canada. Mansur believes that Western civilization frees the individual "from the collectivist hold of tribe, caste, church, nation, class and any ideology that made him a mere cog in the wheel." His concern is that immigrants sometimes bring their tribally oriented hatreds and conflicts into Canada.

A.5 Recognition of a unifying Canadian culture. He realizes that multiculturalism is very deeply engrained in the Canadian state, but believes "there is room for constraining any future growth. . .at the expense of the liberal values of freedom and individual rights." He feels that "in order for this to occur. . .there must be a clear understanding. . .that there is a unifying Canadian culture deeply embedded in the values of the West and shaped by the Enlightenment."

Mansur's words remind me of a tree in my neighbourhood that has grown up on both sides of a fence, the one side encased in the fence. I used a photo of the encased side of the tree in my "Canadian Aboriginal Integration is Better than Assimilation or Parallelism" post to demonstrate my concerns about those aboriginals who want to separate from Canada (I see the encased side as representing them). I would now like to extend my interpretation to say that the encased side of the tree represents what multiculturalism is doing to Canada, and the free side of the tree:

represents the Canada that I think Mansur would like to see, and I know I would like to see.

In my next post (Part Two of Two) I will compare Mansur's concerns about multiculturalism with my concerns about some aspects of current aboriginal policy.

Note 1: I will provide more of an explanation of many of the items listed in the bibliography in my next post (Part Two).

Note 2: Listing these works in my bibiography does not necessarily mean that the authors and/or organizations who published them agree with Mansur's or my views.

Bibliography

Aboriginal Affairs and Northern Development Canada. "Canada's Statement of Support on the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples." November 12, 2010. <www.aadnc-aandc.gc.ca/eng>

Aboriginal Affairs and Northern Development Canada. "Statement of Apology." June 11, 2008 <www.aadnc-aandc.gc.ca/eng>

Cairns, Alan. Citizens Plus: Aboriginal Peoples and the Canadian State. Vancouver: UBC Press, 2000.

Dreidger, Leo and Jean Burnet. "Multiculturalism." 2012. Canadian Encyclopedia. <www.canadianencyclopedia.com>

Getty, Ian. "Harold Cardinal." Canadian Encyclopedia. 2012. <www.canadianencyclopedia.com>

Gibson, Gordon. A New Look at Canadian Indian Policy. Calgary: Fraser Institute, 2009.

Henderson, William B. "Native People, Law." 2012. Canadian Encyclopedia. <www.canadianencyclopedia.com>

International Free Press Society-Canada. "Salim Mansur-Reviews." 2012. <www.ifpscanada.com>

Mansur, Salim. Delectable Lie: a liberal repudiation of multiculturalism. Brantford, ON: Mantua Books, 2011.

McCardle, Bennett. "Enfranchisement." 2012. Canadian Encyclopedia. <www.canadianencyclopedia.com>

McCue, Harvey. "Indian." 2012. Canadian Encyclopedia. <www.canadianencyclopedia.com>

Taylor, John Leonard. "Aboriginal People, Government Policy." 2012. Canadian Encyclopedia. <www.canadianencyclopedia.com>

Aboriginal Issues During the "Culpability Era"

2011-09-05T15:32:00.:00

The definition for "cultural relativism" is "the principle that an individual human's beliefs and activities should be understood by others in terms of that individual's own culture" (Wikipedia, August 13, 2011).

The "critical race theory" definition for "white privilege" is "a way of conceptualizing racial inequalities that focuses as much on the advantages that white people accrue from society as on the disadvantages that non-white people experience" (Wiktionary, June 17, 2010).

The definition for "culpability" is "the degree of one's blameworthiness in the commission of a crime or offense" (Wiktionary, August 23, 2011).

People often ask me how I got involved with aboriginal issues in the first place. The truth is that aboriginals and their supporters recruited me to work for them. To make a long story short, some of my family's involvement with native issues (dating back to the 1950s) probably made the recruiters think I was a good candidate to help them with their "cause." In fact, a couple of recruiters actually showed up at one of my former places of employment (in a mainstream institution) and urged me to work for them. Bear in mind, though, that this was back in the 1970s, when there were not as many aboriginals with skill sets that the native organizations needed. I also suspect that, in order to get certain funding, the people in charge had to show that they had qualified people to do the work, so my college diploma and related experience fit the bill for that. In addition, the recruiters wanted me to train native people--something I did a lot of when I worked in this area.

However, I am an opinionated individual, and that fact, combined with my white skin, did not always fit in with the collectivist mindset that operated in these places. In retrospect, I should have left at the first sign of trouble, but two major factors kept me involved. The first was that an aboriginal woman very likely contributed to saving my life in the early 1970s. She died in the early 1980s--far too young and under tragic circumstances. Second, a family member who was very much involved with the aboriginal scene passed away when I was working in the organizations. Both these factors made me feel that I had an obligation to support the aboriginal cause, and this obligation propelled me through about 12 years in the organizations. I now realize that I should have got involved because I was truly motivated, not because I felt I had to.

Up until the late 1980s, I assumed that my problems in this area were because I was an opinionated white who just did not "get it." But the extensive reading and reflection I have done since then have made me understand that the explanation is much more complicated than that. I now realize I was involved in what I will refer to as the Cultural Relativism Era. The proponents of the cultural relativist movement I was part of believed that aboriginal woes could be resolved if natives returned to their traditional ways. I see this era as beginning after the release of the Trudeau government's 1969 White Paper and the aboriginal response: the Red Paper. From the 1970s onwards, aboriginal groups repeatedly asked for and often got more government funding.

The main point of establishing the organizations was to help aboriginals gain greater self-determination, e.g., in relation to land rights and governance. And to a certain extent, greater self-determination has been the result. For instance, I am pleased that the training I did with some aboriginals helped them to further their education and work prospects.

But natives had a lot of cards stacked against them before they even got started setting up their agencies in Canada. I believe many of the resultant problems were based on the rocky relationship that had existed between the races for more than 300 years. One prominent example of this is the , which is still in effect today. Until 1985, Status Indian men could marry non-aboriginal women and the women would gain status, but the same did not hold true for Status aboriginal women marrying non-aboriginals or non-Status Indians. I believe this provision has done a lot of damage to relations between the sexes, both aboriginal and non-aboriginal. When I was working in the organizations, I did not fully understand how the Indian Act system worked, but now that I have had a chance to examine it in more depth, I realize it was very detrimental, particularly to aboriginal/non-aboriginal female relations.

I know from working for many years in mainstream institutions that office politics play a role in workplace dynamics. Let's face it: whenever more than two people get together in a work setting, there are bound to be differences from time to time. But I found the possibilities for conflict were greatly intensified with the race card thrown into the mix.

After I stopped working in the organizations in the late 1980s, I planned to return to the mainstream. But just as I was embarking on my new life path, some politicos dragged me back into the aboriginal fray by publicly spreading false accusations about me. As a result, I was viciously harassed and subjected to the devastating effects of bad medicine--I was used as a sacrificial lamb.

When the worst of the harassment was over, I tried to convince myself that the sacrificial lamb period was behind me. I was also hopeful that people sympathetic to my plight would assist me on my road to healing and reconciliation. But I discovered, after many years of trying, that even aboriginals and their supporters who had been closely associated with me for decades only paid lip service to my desire for justice. I concluded that the doctrine of white privilege was often strictly adhered to in aboriginal country. But it was even more upsetting for me to learn that this doctrine was also firmly ensconced in many academic, religious, and political institutions that I had to deal with for one reason or another. Even though it was usually not expressed in such blatant terms, the underlying message I got was "healing is for aboriginals; white people are just supposed to take it."

The Caledonia crisis, which started in February 2006, and which still reverberates to this day, made me realize that white privilege was not only affecting me, but also other non-aboriginals. I have already covered this topic in my "David Peterson and the Caledonia Crisis" post. I am also alarmed by the fact that the Ontario government's Ipperwash Inquiry Report (2007) paid almost no attention to the concerns of the non-native residents, even though some of these residents made presentations to the inquiry. I think taxpayers deserved more bang for their buck than they got with the $27+ million Ipperwash Inquiry.

I believe the Caledonia crisis (and other native occupations and problems, such as contraband tobacco smuggling) made many members of the public recognize that the governments' appeasement strategies were not working very well. And I contend that this growing awareness signaled the dawn of a new era in 2006, which I will call the Culpability Era.

Tsimshian lawyer and entrepreneur, Calvin Helin's, book Dances With Dependency, was also released in 2006; I believe his book substantially contributed to the move into the Culpability Era. Helin argues that aboriginal welfare dependency should be replaced by "self-reliance." He strongly believes in aboriginal cultural preservation, but he asserts that aboriginals should not be dependent on government funding to make this happen; they should develop alternative sources of revenue, e.g., from natural resources.

Helin believes that certain provisions of the Indian Act give far too much power to the chiefs and council. For example, only the chiefs can elect the Assembly of First Nations (AFN) national chief. Although there have been attempts by some aboriginal spokespeople to change the AFN rules so that voting rights are extended from just the chiefs to band members, (in fact, some have lobbied for voting to be extended to urban aboriginals), none of these attempts have been successful. In the last AFN election in July 2009, John Beaucage ran on a universal voting platform and only received 15 per cent of the vote on the first ballot.

Don Sandberg, a Cree who is president of Nistanan, "Canada's first aboriginal policy think tank," says that aboriginals need more leaders with "education, drive and imagination." He feels the reason why chiefs often vote against necessary reforms is because they are afraid to take risks. I agree with Sandberg's assessment, and I hope a greater number of aboriginals heed his advice.

Although many non-aboriginal Canadians are concerned about the native situation for one reason or another, they often prefer to stick their heads in the sand in the hopes that the situation will improve on its own. And it likely will get better as long as people like Helin and Sandberg continue to speak out. But it will improve a lot more quickly if non-aboriginals, particularly federal, provincial and municipal leaders, start to look at how their own views are contributing to the problem. Citizens can help improve government policies by making their concerns known to their elected representatives.

The outmoded cultural relativism and white privilege doctrines contribute to appeasement strategies that ultimately do not help either side of the equation. If culpability is first established, then constructive solutions are more likely to follow.

Notes

• Both Helin and Sandberg have addressed the fact that intimidation and harassment are sometimes used by aboriginals in positions of power in order to maintain their power base.

• A colleague recently made me aware of the writings of some aboriginal women who state they have been rebuked by aboriginal males and females if they deviate from the standard positions held by some aboriginal elites. They have been accused of being sellouts, and have sometimes suffered professionally.

• The above factors could explain why some natives refused to side publicly with me, although I can't be sure.

For Further Information

Aboriginal Reserve Governance

• Curry, Bill. "Big Influences, Tiny Reserves," Globe and Mail, August 13, 2009 <www.globeandmail.com>

Caledonia Crisis

• Caledonia Victims Project
• Caledonia Wake Up Call
• International Free Press Society-Canada
• Jeff Parkinson
• Voice of Canada

Helin, Calvin

• Dances With Dependency. Vancouver: Orca Spirit, 2006.

Ipperwash Situation

• Voice of Canada's "Caledonia and Ipperwash Resources"

Sandberg, Don

• "Wanted: Productive Native Reserves," National Post, October 7, 2010 <www.nationalpost.com>

Canadian Aboriginal Integration is Better than Assimilation or Parallelism

2011-08-07T17:19:00.:00

During a recent walk through my neighbourhood, I took this photo:

It shows the bottom part of a tree that has grown up on both sides of a fence. As you can see, the trunks have determinedly tried to break through the fence, but with minimal success. In fact, a number of the branches have been sawed off. The trunks of the same tree on the other side of the fence are growing at an angle, almost like they're trying to avoid the other side's conundrum.

To me, the trunks encased in the fence represent what I consider to be the unreasonable resistance put forward by aboriginal sovereignty advocates who want to separate from Canada. The trunks on the "free" side represent (to me) those natives who want to remain part of Canadian society, either as collectives on reserves, or as individuals or collectives in the urban setting. I remain firmly on the side of those aboriginals who agree that maintaining their Canadian citizenship is a good thing. As I have stated in my previous posts, particularly my "Violence Against Aboriginal Women" and my "Clans and Tribes in the 21st Century" posts, I am very much aware of the many injustices committed against aboriginals over the centuries, but I do not believe that aboriginal sovereignty is a viable or practical solution.

To help bolster my argument, I will be drawing on the work of Alan C. Cairns. He is a University of Waterloo (Ontario) political science professor emeritus who has written two thought-provoking books on aboriginal policy: Citizens Plus (2000) and First Nations and the Canadian State (2005). Both works are highly regarded by many of the people who have read them, although a few aboriginals took exception to some of his conclusions. Nevertheless, the back cover of his Citizens Plus includes an endorsement by Metis historian Olive Patricia Dickason (1920-2011). Suzanne Methot, a Cree writer and editor, also had complimentary things to say about the book in her review for Quill and Quire, March 2000.

The seeds for Cairns's aboriginal views were planted in the 1960s. At that time, he was a senior researcher for an inquiry the federal government held into the Indian situation in Canada. (Indians are aboriginals who are registered as Status Indians under the terms of the Indian Act. Status Indians are also sometimes referred to as legal Indians.) H.B. Hawthorn led the inquiry, and the final report, published in 1966, was widely referred to as the Hawthorn Report. The term "citizens plus" was used in this report to convey the view that Indians were Canadian citizens who had additional rights.

However, the federal government did not follow through on the findings of the Hawthorn Report. Instead, the Trudeau government issued the 1969 White Paper which advocated assimilation of aboriginals into Canadian society. This paper was widely rejected by many of the country's aboriginal leaders. Some of these leaders felt the government should instead implement the Hawthorn Report's recommendation that the federal government's Indian Affairs Branch maintain a national role for the country's Indians. In response to the White Paper, the Indian Chiefs of Alberta issued Citizens Plus (the title employing the same term used by the Hawthorn Commission). As Cairns points out, Citizens Plus (a.k.a. the Red Paper) and other documents put out by aboriginal groups at that time did not recommend that natives separate from Canada. The aboriginals writing these documents clearly saw their people as part of the country's mosaic.

But from the mid-1970s onwards, more and more native groups started to declare themselves as nations. For example, in 1975, five aboriginal tribes in the Northwest Territories issued the Dene Declaration, in which they proclaimed to the world that they were a nation. Then in 1978, the organization changed its name from the Indian Brotherhood of the Northwest Territories to the Dene Nation. In 1982, the National Indian Brotherhood, which represents the country's first nations, changed its name to the Assembly of First Nations (AFN). Numerous reserves also added "First Nation" to their names. In addition, many Inuit and Metis groups started referring to themselves as nations. Cairns is correct in observing that the use of the term "nation" has contributed substantially to a change in the way aboriginal and non-aboriginal people discuss their relationship.

In 1987, the federal government failed to win aboriginal approval for the Meech Lake Accord. Then in 1990, a land dispute arose between the Mohawk community of Kanesatake and Oka, Quebec. The Oka crisis lasted for 78 days and resulted in the death of a non-native officer named SQ Corporal Marcel Lemay. Mainly as a result of these two developments, the federal government created the Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples (RCAP). RCAP's mandate was to investigate the situation of Canada's aboriginal people and to make recommendations. The commission started its work in 1991 and released its final report in 1996. It advocated parallelism, i.e., aboriginals should form a third order of government separate from the non-aboriginal society. Cairns does not agree with the parallelism model proposed by the $58 million commission, and neither do I. As he points out, the RCAP Report spent very little time addressing the concerns of the high percentage of aboriginals living off reserves. It also did not take into account the high rate of intermarriage with non-aboriginals, or the fact that a third of the country's aboriginals do not identify themselves as such in the federal census.

The government's 1997 response to the RCAP Report was entitled Gathering Strength: Canada's Aboriginal Action Plan. Although this action plan acknowledged certain contentious issues addressed in RCAP's recommendations, e.g., the ones relating to the residential schools, it sidestepped endorsement of most of them. Cairns thinks it is a shame that the government did not do more to encourage debate regarding the Report, calling the government's response "an embarrassment." Cairns and I both agree that the parallelism recommendations should not have been acted upon, but we also concur that allowing the RCAP Report to gather dust so quickly was not a good idea either.

Cairns argues there should be a return to the "citizens plus" model, where natives maintain their rights, but also retain their Canadian citizenship. I agree with his position, but with the following caveat: that any rights maintained should be ones that are not going to damage aboriginals or non-aboriginals. In other words, I recommend that there be a selective retention of rights.

Cairns is correct in arguing that both assimilation and parallelism are unacceptable. I agree with him that a middle ground needs to be struck between both extremes, but instead of calling the model "citizens plus," I call it integration.

Here is a photo I took recently at a park near my home:

This is my view of what integration could look like. To me, assimilation is like a garden salad: only good for a short period of time. Parallelism is like a heavily manicured flower bed that is nice to look at, but a lot of work to maintain (plus it only presents the gardener's aesthetic point of view). Integration allows the flora to do their own thing, but the result is still an intriguing cultural mosaic.

Notes

1. Statistics Canada reported that, in the 2006 census, 60 per cent of first nations people lived off reserve. They count both Status and Non-Status Indians in their first nations statistics. Twenty-two reserves did not participate in this census.

According to a CBC News article, June 12, 2010, 73.7 per cent of Canadian aboriginals (including Metis and Inuit) do not live on reserves and 72.1 per cent of those living off reserve reside in urban areas (based on the 2006 census).

2. I think there needs to be a careful review of some traditional cultural practices relating to bad medicine, the negative treatment of women and violence. I stress that many aboriginals do not practise bad medicine, treat their women badly or engage in violence, but some do. I have already covered this issue in my "Violence Against Aboriginal Women" and my "Clans and Tribes in the 21st Century" posts.

Additional Sources of Information

"Bridging the Divide Between Aboriginal Canadians and the Canadian State," Centre for Research and Information on Canada, June 2001. Web. August 3, 2011 <http://www.library.carleton.ca>. Contains critiques and discussions of Cairns's Citizens Plus book by seven people, including Mohawk Patricia Monture-Angus (d. 2010) who was originally from Six Nations.

Gibson, Gordon. A New Look at Canadian Indian Policy. Calgary: Fraser Institute, 2009. Gibson devotes part of a chapter to Cairns's Citizens Plus.

Turner, Dale. This is Not a Peace Pipe. Toronto: Univ. of Toronto Press, 2006. Turner is originally from the Temagami First Nation in Northern Ontario. Book includes a chapter critiquing Cairns's Citizens Plus. Turner believes in the parallelism model, although he has concerns about the RCAP Report.